hology, the group incorporated in 1988 as the APS with 450 founding members. That number grew rapidly to over 5,000 members within 6 months, and by 2000 the membership was approxi- mately 10,000. Many members of APS have also maintained membership in the APA. Although tension between the two groups ran high in the first years after the split, there was a steady accommodation to each other through the 1990s. It has been more common, however, for new organizations to form simply around a specialty interest in psychological science. These groups proliferated in the last decades of the twentieth century and are too numerous to list here. The reader is referred to the World Wide Web sites of the Federa- tion of Behavioral, Psychological, and Cognitive Societies (www.thefederationonline.org) and the International Union of Psychological Sciences (www.iupsys.org) for links to many of these societies. Applied Psychological Organizations Despite the rhetoric of experimentalism, American psycholo- gists have been particularly interested in the application of psychological science from the first days of organized American psychology (Benjamin, 1997a; Pickren & Dewsbury, 2002).Asmall number of psychologists worked in applied and professional settings in the early years of the dis- cipline. While many of them had free choice of career sites, others had few work options open to them by virtue of their gender or race (Guthrie, 1998; Stevens and Gardner, 1982). The establishment of the Journal of Applied Psychology in 1917 provided an outlet for research and a forum for profes- sional issues. World War I drew public attention to the poten- tial usefulness of applied psychology, especially in mental testing (Samelson, 1977). Two privately held companies were started after the war in an effort to build on this atten- tion: The Scott Company and The Psychological Corporation (Sokal, 1981). The number of psychologists interested in pro- fessional practice grew enough by the end of World War I to form a new professional organization, the American Associa- tion of Clinical Psychologists. Apparently threatened by this move, the APA co-opted the new organization by forming a Clinical Section in 1919 (Routh, 1994; Samelson, 1992). During the interwar period, the number of psychologists engaged in various professional practices dramatically in- creased. By one count, 39% of APA members were employed in applied work in 1940. By comparison, only 9.3% of APA members were employed in a recognizably applied setting in 1916 (Finch & Odoroff, 1939, 1941). It should be kept in mind that a doctoral degree and publications were required for APA membership in this period, and many applied psy- chologists worked at the master’s level. Four semidistinct areas of practice emerged in this period: clinical, consulting, educational, and industrial/business. The settings for these practices included schools, clinics (of various kinds), homes for the mentally retarded, courts, prisons, police departments, psychiatric hospitals, guidance offices in educational settings, psychotherapy offices, social agencies, state and federal agencies, film and radio studios, personnel offices, advertis- ing and marketing firms, life insurance companies, and pri- vate consulting firms. At least 83 APA members earned their living primarily from fee-based consultations in 1940. This growth is also reflected in new psychological organi- zations that were formed between the wars. The APA mem- bership standards favored academic scientists engaged in experimental research and made it difficult for psychologists with applied expertise to either gain membership or wield significant influence within the organization (Napoli, 1981; O’Donnell, 1979). Finally, in 1926, the APA established a second-class associates membership, at least in part to help finance a new publishing venture. (In 1946, the membership categories were revised: full members became fellows, asso- ciates became “members,” and a new category of associates was developed, primarily for people without doctorates.) National Psychological Associations 545 Associates could not vote or hold office in the APA. Many of the associates were psychologists interested in application and the practice of psychology. One new organization that formed in this era (1921), the New York State Association of Consulting Psychologists, be- came the leading state association for applied work in psy- chology and was emulated by other state and regional groups. The New York group joined with other regional groups and reformed as the Association of Consulting Psychologists (ACP) in 1930. The ACP promoted professional issues such as training and licensing for all applied psychologists. In 1937, the ACP merged with other applied groups to form the American Association for Applied Psychology (AAAP), which, like the ACP, was concerned with issues relevant to professional practice. The AAAP was able to develop a na- tional voice for professional psychology before the onset of the Second World War, though its voice was somewhat muted by the dominance of academic psychologists and the lack of proportionate representation of women among its leadership (Benjamin, 1997a; Capshew, 1999). The Journal of Consulting Psychology was the official publication of the AAAP and reported on both research and practice issues of professional psychology. The issue of appropriate training for the practice of psychology, in all fields but particularly in clinical psychology, was frequently discussed in the pages of the journal and at the annual meet- ings of the association. It was not directly addressed until after World War II, when the scientist-practitioner (Boulder) model developed by AAAP member David Shakow became the primary model of acceptable training. In a few short years, the AAAP made substantive progress on behalf of its members. When the APA was reorganized during the Second World War, the AAAP was incorporated into the APA as part of the effort to make the APA more in- clusive and responsive to both scientific and professional concerns (Capshew & Hilgard, 1992). Section D, Industrial and Business, of the AAAP became APA Division 14, Indus- trial and Business Psychology. The new division sought to ensure that appropriate standards of training and practice were maintained and that industrial psychology remained on a solid research basis. Division 14 members decided to incorporate as a separate society, the Society for Industrial and Organizational Psy- chology (SIOP), in 1982. This was the result, in part, of dissatisfaction with what was perceived as APA’s overem- phasis on practice issues at the expense of science. When the APS formed in 1988, SIOP membership was opened to APS members as well as APA members. Despite these changes, it is clear that SIOP is the historical successor to the AAAP (Benjamin, 1997a). During the 1930s, several states began certification programs for school psychologists (Fagan, Hensley, & Delugach, 1986; French, 1984). A number of those psycholo- gists belonged to the ACP and then the AAAP. One of the charter divisions of the reorganized APA was Division 16, School Psychology. However, many school psychologists did not qualify for membership in Division 16 because they did not have a doctoral degree. Historically, school psychology has been dominated by nondoctoral professionals (Fagan, 1996). Growth of Division 16 membership was steady but slow, even though the number of school psychologists was expanding rapidly. By the 1960s, it became clear that Divi- sion 16 was not responding adequately to the needs of nondoctoral school psychologists. As a result, a need for a na- tional organization that could represent all school psycholo- gists led to the founding of the National Association of School Psychologists (NASP) in 1969 (Fagan, 1996). Membership rose steadily from the founding of the NASP and stood at 21,000 plus in 2000. The association devel- oped an impressive track record of working to raise educa- tional and training standards. Accreditation of training programs became an important part of the NASP’s work as well (Fagan, Gorin, & Tharinger, 2000). Applied psychological organizations proliferated in the last decades of the twentieth century. Space does not allow for all of them to be described. A few chosen to serve as ex- amples include the American Association of Correctional Psychologists (founded 1953), the International Society of Sport Psychology (founded 1965), the Association for the Ad- vancement of Behavior Therapy (founded 1966), the Associa- tion forApplied Psychophysiology and Biofeedback (founded 1969), and the Society of Psychologists in Management (founded 1984). Hundreds of other applied psychological or- ganizations had been established in the United States alone by the end of the twentieth century (see VandenBos, 1989). Psychological Organizations in the Public Interest The 1960s were a time of social upheaval and dissent in the United States and much of Europe. During this period, psy- chological organizations were formed to represent groups that had been traditionally ignored or underrepresented in mainstream psychological organizations. In the United States, these new organizations were typically formed as a re- sponse to perceived problems with the APA. The APA was perceived as insensitive to the needs and interests of women psychologists and psychologists of color. The Association of Black Psychologists (ABPsi) was founded in 1968 at the annual convention of the APA. It was not the first organization ofAfricanAmerican psychologists. In 546 Professional Organizations 1938, psychologist members of the American Teachers Asso- ciation, an all-black educational group, formed Division 6, Department of Psychology, to facilitate communication and strengthen their professional identity (Guthrie, 1998). Divi- sion 6 sent representatives to the Intersociety Constitutional Convention that led to the reorganization of the APA during WorldWar II (Capshew, 1999). However, theATA’s Division 6 was unable to maintain its momentum after the war. In 1963, the APA, at the urging of the SPSSI, formed the Committee on Equality of Opportunity in Psychology (CEOP) to examine the status of education, training, and career paths of African Americans in psychology (Wispe et al., 1969). However, many black psychologists were dis- satisfied with the slow pace of the APA committee and were frustrated with what they perceived as the APA’s neglect of their African American members, the low numbers of African Americans in APA governance, and the strikingly few black APA employees. By the second half of the 1960s, a new pride in African American identity had emerged as was evidenced by the focus on Black Power and Black Nationalism. Many younger African American psychologists simply did not identify with the APA, perceiving it as conservative and heavily invested in white, middle-class values. Their anger and frustration came together at the annual convention of the APA in San Francisco (B. Williams, 1997). A small group meeting in a hotel room during the 1968 APA convention grew into a larger meeting of 200 African American psychol- ogists the next day (R. Williams, 1974). Out of this meeting, the Association of Black Psychologists was formed (Guthrie, 1998). ABPsi grew into a thriving organization with its own agenda, its own mission, and its own identity. It became the professional organization of choice for many African American psychologists. ABPsi holds annual meetings (twice in African countries), has an active publication pro- gram that includes the quarterly Journal of Black Psychology, the monthly newsletter Psych Discourse, the Association of Black Psychologists Publication Manual, and the Source- book on the Teaching of Black Psychology . Following a dramatic confrontation of the APA leadership by the newly formed Black Students in Psychology Associa- tion (BSPA) during the 1969 convention, ABPsi and BPSA cooperated in persuading the APA to address the concerns of black psychologists about culturally biased testing practices, lack of employment opportunities for African Americans in psychology, and inadequate recruitment and support of black graduate students (R. Williams, 1974). The events of 1968 and 1969 had effects that reverberated over the next several years. Hispanic psychologists and Asian American psycholo- gists also formed organizations and put pressure on the APA to become more sensitive and supportive of their issues. As a result, the APA formed the Board of Ethnic Minority Affairs and opened the Office of Ethnic Minority Affairs. The latter has been an important conduit of training monies for ethnic minority graduate students. In the early 1970s, two brothers, Derald (b. 1942) and Stanley (b. 1944) Sue, coordinated a series of meetings in San Francisco that included a variety of professionals in- volved in mental health issues in the Asian community. These meetings eventually led to the founding of the Asian American Psychological Association (AAPA) in 1972. Mem- bership was small at first, and the group struggled to maintain cohesion (Leong, 1995). Despite this small beginning, the AAPA had a membership of over 400 by the year 2000. Although Asian mental health was the original concern of the AAPA, since that time the organization has diversified in its interests. Advocacy efforts on behalf of Asian Americans led to involvement on U.S. Census issues and to a long en- gagement against the English-only movement in California. Members of the AAPA developed Asian American psycho- logical theory that was applied to a range of psychological topics, including clinical training and social research. Lead- ers of the association were among the very first to develop theory and practice related to multicultural counseling. The National Institute of Mental Health relied on the association to assist it in its efforts to diversify its training population, and members of the AAPA served as key liaisons to the NIMH and other federal agencies for the development of mental health policy. The AAPA developed close ties with the APA very early in its existence. AAPA members served on key boards and com- mittees of the APA, including the Board of Ethnic Minority Affairs, the Board for the Advancement of Psychology in the Public Interest, and the Committee for Ethnic Minority Recruitment, Retention, and Training. The AAPA began pub- lishing the Journal of the Asian American Psychological Association in 1979 and began a series of monographs in 1995 (Leong, 1995). In 1999, Dr. Richard Suinn (b. 1933) served as the first Asian American president of the APA. In 1971, Carolyn Attneave (1920–1992) formed the Net- work of Indian Psychologists in the Boston area. About the same time, Joe Trimble (b. 1938) formed a group in 1971 called the American Indian Interest Group. Trimble’s group was formed with support from the SPSSI and was affiliated with it. In 1973, Trimble merged his group with the Network of Indian Psychologists. Attneave changed the name of her group to the Society of Indian Psychologists (SIP) around 1975 (Trimble, 2000). Membership in the SIP was always small, numbering around 100 at the end of the twentieth cen- tury. Members of the SIP and other Indian psychologists National Psychological Associations 547 worked to increase the number of American Indian psycholo- gists in North America. One notable success was the Indians into Psychology Doctoral Education (INDPSYDE) started by Arthur L. McDonald (b. 1934) in the mid-1980s. By the end of the twentieth century, INDPSYDE programs were operat- ing at several colleges and universities in the West and there had been a noticeable gain in the number of American Indian psychologists. SIP members also worked with the APA and other ethnic minority psychology groups to support the de- velopment of rural minority mental health programs. In 1986, Logan Wright (1933–1999) was the first person of American Indian heritage to be elected APA president. The National Hispanic Psychological Association grew out of an earlier organization of Hispanic psychologists, the Association of Psychologists Por La Raza (APLR), which was founded in Miami in 1970 during the APA convention (Bernal, 1994). The founding group was very small, but that number grew to around 40 as a result of an APLR symposium on Hispanic psychology at the 1971 APA convention. Over the next several years, Hispanic psychologists developed a professional network through NIMH-sponsored conferences and involvement with the APA’s Board of Ethnic Minority Affairs. In 1979, the National Hispanic Psychological Asso- ciation was formed and the first issue of the Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Science was published. In general, all of the ethnic minority psychological associ- ations were involved in prompting the NIMH to become more involved with the support of training of ethnic minority psychologists. The APA, while it initially needed to be prod- ded by ethnic and minority psychologists, became a positive force for promoting and supporting the diversification of psy- chology. In 1979, the APA opened its Office of Ethnic Minor- ity Affairs and remained a major collaborator with ethnic and minority psychological associations. A direct descendant of the National Council of Women Psychologists (see above) was the Association for Women in Psychology. The NCWP, after it changed its name to the International Council of Psychologists, lost its main thrust of advancing the cause of women psychologists. That charge was taken up in the more radical and restive late 1960s by a number of women APA members (Tiefer, 1991). The Associ- ation for Women Psychologists (AWP) was founded by ap- proximately 35 women and men at the 1969 APA convention. In 1970, the group changed its name to the Association for Women in Psychology. Many of the original members were convinced that the APA was insensitive to the needs of women psychologists and supported discriminatory, sexist practices in both academic and professional psychology (Tiefer, 1991). For the first years of its existence, the AWP lobbied for change within the APA. Issues that were most salient for the AWP in these years included abortion rights, ending sexist hiring and promotion practices in acade- mia, and adequate child care at the APA convention. One participant-historian characterized the first years of the AWP–APA relationship as a time of “the public airing of women’s grievances with the APA and the profession of psy- chology” (Tiefer, 1991, p. 637). The AWP had immediate success in attracting many women psychologists and a few male psychologists as mem- bers. Thirty-five women and men formed the first membership cohort; membership in the AWP grew to over 1,700 by the year 2000. For many years, the AWP avoided a hierarchical organizational power structure. All issues were open for dis- cussion by any member during the annual meetings. The asso- ciation was committed to feminist process and sought to be participatory-democratic in its governance. This led to lengthy business meetings but little activity between meet- ings. Like other organizations of its time, tensions existed over whether the organization should seek efficiency or democracy as its main governing principle. A compromise was reached in 1979 when the leadership structure was changed to governance by the Implementation Collective. This was a small number of AWP members who volunteered to serve in specific roles in order to facilitate specificAWP ini- tiatives. The collective set policy, financial guidelines, and guidelines for forming committees to carry out various projects. Much of the work of the AWP was carried out by members who served on committees, most of which were gen- erated by members themselves and not by the leadership. The AWP worked on such salient issues as the passage of the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA), abortion rights, and the removal of antiwoman diagnostic categories in the various revisions of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders . Members also developed guidelines for feminist therapy and worked to reduce racism and promote multicul- tural perspectives (Tiefer, 1991). One major outcome of the activities of the AWP in its early years was the formation of the APA Task Force on the Status of Women in Psychology. The task force worked for two years, and its report recommended that the APA act to re- dress the inequities women faced in organized psychology. A specific recommendation was the formation of a division to represent the interests of women in psychology (APA, Task Force on the Status of Women in Psychology, 1973). Despite some resistance from the APA Council of Repre- sentatives, some of whose members suggested that a division for women’s issues would only ghettoize and segregate women psychologists, the petition for a women’s division was approved. Division 35 was approved in 1973, and its charter called for it to work to advance the cause of women in 548 Professional Organizations psychology and to develop knowledge about women’s psy- chological lives. Although Division 35 was born from the tense relationship between the AWP and the APA, it was from the first independent of the AWP. The division developed an organizational structure that had little overlap with the AWP (Mednick & Urbanski, 1991; Russo & Dumont, 1997). In its first year of existence, Division 35 voted to develop a journal to serve as the primary publication of research in the field of feminist psychology. The division’s journal, Psychology of Women Quarterly, began publication in 1976. Division 35 started with over 800 members and grew rapidly, becoming one of the largest divisions within the APA with more than 6,000 members by the year 2000. The growth of the division reflected the changing gender composition of American psychology. For example, in 1971, women earned 24% of all psychology doctorates compared to 66% in 1991 (Kohout, 2001). Between 1977 and 2000, the percentage of women APA members increased from 26.7% to 49.0%, and the high percentage of women in graduate programs suggests that this percentage will continue to grow. Accreditation and Credentialing Organizations In the United States, the growth of psychology as a mental health profession after World War II created the need for or- ganizations or structures to regulate and credential psycholo- gists engaged in the practice of professional psychology. The licensing of psychologists became a state matter and will not be discussed here. With the rise of professional psychology after the Second World War, a number of organizations developed to facilitate graduate training in professional psychology and to certify excellence of professional skills. These included the APA, the American Board of Professional Psychology (ABPP), the As- sociation of Psychology Postdoctoral and Internship Centers (APPIC), the National Register of Health Service Providers in Psychology (NR), the Association of State and Provincial Psychology Boards (ASPPB), and the Veterans Administra- tion (VA) (Laughlin & Worley, 1991). The APA accepted the mandate proposed by the VA and the United States Public Health Service (USPHS) immedi- ately after the World War II to develop an accreditation process to identify those universities that were qualified to train clinical psychologists (Capshew, 1999, Pickren & Dewsbury, 2002; Sheridan, Matarrazo, & Nelson, 1995). Twenty-two universities formed the first cohort of accredited graduate clinical training programs in 1947. That number ex- ceeded 700 by the year 2000. The scientist-practitioner train- ing model adopted by APA and accepted by the VA and USPHS was based on the work of David Shakow, which was formalized at the Boulder Conference in 1949 (Raimy, 1950). The issue of accreditation philosophy and guidelines was re- visited over the years at a number of conferences. The 1954 Thayer Conference on School Psychology addressed the de- sirability of accrediting school psychologist training pro- grams. The 1973 Vail Conference on Levels and Patterns of Professional Training laid the groundwork for the accredita- tion of schools of professional psychology offering the doctor of psychology degree. By the end of the century, APA accreditation was the standard for all doctoral-level training in the practice of psychology, including the predoctoral internship. Problems with the predoctoral internship led to the estab- lishment of the Association of Psychology Internship Centers in 1968 (Fox, 1990). The name was later changed to the As- sociation of Psychology Postdoctoral and Internship Centers (APPIC). The major issue that the APPIC addressed initially was matching intern candidates with appropriate training sites. The APPIC established a uniform notification date, the second Monday in February. In the early 1970s, the APPIC began publishing its internship directory. The directory proved to be one of the most valuable contributions made by the association. APPIC is not an accrediting agency. Rather, it works to facilitate high-quality pre- and postdoctoral intern- ship training. The American Board of Professional Psychology (ABPP) was established in 1947 as the American Board of Examiners in Professional Psychology. The APA realized that it could not serve as the credentialing body for individual psycholo- gists. Yet, in order to certify proficiency in psychological practice and to protect the public from charlatans, an inde- pendent credentialing body was needed. The ABPP was funded through the 1950s by the APA and through the collec- tion of examination fees. The ABPP established the diplomate status as the level of certified proficiency in a psychological specialty and left the establishment and recognition of basic competence to the universities and eventually to the state licensing boards. Thus, the diplomate in professional psychology was established as a higher level of professional excellence. Three original specialties were recognized: clinical, personnel- industrial (later industrial-organizational), and personnel- educational (later counseling). School psychology was added in 1968. The ABPP acknowledged that there were many psychologists who had developed professional compe- tence prior to its establishment. Over 1,000 of these profes- sional psychologists, most of them clinicians and about half of them women, were grandparented in as the first to receive diplomate status (see the 1949 APA Directory for a complete listing). National Psychological Associations 549 The board passed through a rather fallow period during the 1960s and 1970s as the number of applicants declined. At one point, the ABPP board of trustees even raised the possi- bility of disbanding the board (Bent, Packard, & Goldberg, 1999). The examination procedures were changed; the writ- ten exam was dropped and the oral component was changed to allow for more in vivo assessment. Various measures to in- crease the number of applicants and to reestablish close rela- tionships with the APA were discussed. In 1971, the ABPP board established a formal liaison with the APA Board of Professional Affairs. Also in hopes of reaching more psychol- ogists, in 1972 the board established six regional boards to re- cruit applicants and conduct the diplomate examinations. While the examination burden on the board of trustees was lessened by the regional boards, there was no hoped-for in- crease in the number of applicants, and the regional boards were disbanded in the 1990s. At the instigation of the health insurance industry, the APA agreed to work toward establishing a registry of quali- fied psychologists who would be eligible for reimbursement for the provision of mental health services. At the request of the APA, the ABPP agreed to develop the registry in 1974. The ABPP board of trustees established the Council for the National Register of Health Service Providers (NR) and loaned the new organization money to help it get started. The NR was successful from its beginning in attracting psycholo- gists to membership. The ABPP and the NR soon fell into serious disagreement over their legal relationship, with the ABPP under the impression that the NR was a subsidiary or- ganization. The ABPP apparently hoped that the NR would help rescue it from its financial troubles and that it would prove to be an enduring source of applicants for diplomate status. However, the leaders of the NR saw the relationship differently and in 1975 repaid the ABPP loan and declared that the NR was an independent organization. There ensued a period of intense acrimony between the leaders of the two organizations that did not diminish for several years. The ABPP recognized several more specialties in the 1980s and 1990s. By the year 2000, in addition to the four established specialties (clinical, counseling, school, and industrial-organizational), the ABPP had made diplomate sta- tus available for the specialties of clinical neuropsychology, forensic psychology, family psychology, health psychology, behavioral psychology, psychoanalysis, rehabilitation psy- chology, and group psychology. Each of these specialties had its own board of examiners and was independently incorpo- rated; thus, the ABPP served the function of general oversight of psychological specialties (Bent et al., 1999). In order to avoid conflict with the Commission for the Recognition of Specialties and Proficiencies in Professional Psychology established by the APA in 1995, the ABPP established the policy of referring all new specialties to the APA for first consideration. The National Register of Health Care Providers in Psychology quickly became a significant component of pro- fessional psychology, as noted above. The first National Reg- ister listed 7,000 psychologists in 1975; by 2000 the list had grown to more than 16,000 psychologists. The National Reg- ister was successful in providing a definition of the psychol- ogist as a health service provider and in gaining acceptance across North American for the definition. In 1976, the NR was innovative in naming public members to its board of di- rectors, being the first national psychology organization to do so. The National Register developed predoctoral internship criteria in 1980 and required that any psychologist who wished to be listed in its directory must have completed such an internship. These criteria were later adopted by the APPIC as the criteria for membership. The National Register also worked with the Association of State and Provincial Psy- chology Boards (ASPPB) to establish criteria for doctoral programs in psychology for the purpose of licensure of psy- chologists after the doctoral degree. The Association of State and Provincial Psychology Boards (ASPPB) was founded in 1961 as the American As- sociation of State Psychology Boards. In addition to its work with the National Register and with other accrediting and cre- dentialing organizations, the ASPPB developed the national examination in professional psychology (Carlson, 1978). It worked over the remainder of the twentieth century on licen- sure reciprocity between the states, continuing-education standards, and other professional issues. The ASPPB adopted the APPIC internship criteria as the basic standard for deter- mining whether an applicant for licensure met the require- ment for a predoctoral internship. Interdisciplinary Organizations Psychology was an important part of many interdisciplinary organizations that formed over the course of the twentieth century. As of this writing, there were far too many such organizations to even list them all. We provide a short list, emphasizing their variety, and then provide a brief account of two interdisciplinary organizations. The American Orthopsychiatric Association was formed in 1924 for mental health professionals, primarily psychia- trists and psychologists, who were chiefly concerned with problems of delinquency and other behavior disorders of childhood and adolescence (Lowrey, 1948). In 1957, the Human Factors Society of America was formed by and for scientists and technologists working on 550 Professional Organizations problems of human–machine interaction. Disciplines or pro- fessions represented in the society include psychologists, en- gineers, physicians, and physiologists. The name of the group was changed to the Human Factors and Ergonomics Society in 1992. Membership at the end of the twentieth century was approximately 5,200. The Cognitive Science Society was established in 1979 to promote interdisciplinary work in cognition. Its members in- clude psychologists, linguists, computer scientists, educators, and philosophers. The Society of Behavioral Medicine was founded in 1978 for professionals and scientists from psy- chology, medicine, public health, and nursing. The focus of the society is on the relationships among behavior, health, and illness. In the 1920s, interest grew in developing a science of child development. Both the Commonwealth Fund and the Laura Spelman Rockefeller Foundation gave large grants to start or sustain child development institutes (Lomax, 1977). In 1925, the National Academy of Sciences formed a Committee in Child Development. In 1927, the committee published the first compendium of research in child development, Child Development Abstracts and Bibliography . In 1933, the Society for Research in Child Development (SRCD) was or- ganized and the Committee on Child Development was disbanded. After a period of growth in the 1930s, the SRCD experienced a decrease in members and activities in the 1940s, followed by an expansion in numbers and activities that continued to the end of the century. In 2000, membership in the society exceeded 5,000 and comprised scientists and professionals from many disci- plines, including psychology. The society’s publishing pro- gram at the beginning of the twenty-first century included three journals: Child Development, Child Development Ab- stracts and Bibliography, and Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development. Other society publications were The Social Policy Report, a newsletter, and a member- ship directory. The society became active in the formulation of social policy applications based upon child development research. To this end, the society established a Government Fellows Program in Child Development in 1978. The fellows worked to keep the relevant federal agencies informed of child re- search and to facilitate the development of social policy based upon scientific research (Hagen, 2000). The World Federation for Mental Health (WFMH) was or- ganized in 1948. Its predecessor was the International Com- mittee for Mental Hygiene, an organization founded in 1919 by Clifford Beers (Dain, 1980). Beers had been an asylum patient as a young man and upon his discharge wrote an exposé of the horrors and ineptitude of the asylum system. A Mind That Found Itself (1908) was an international best-seller. Beers took advantage of his public visibility and founded the National Committee for Mental Hygiene (NCMH) in 1909. The NCMH worked to reform psychiatric institutions and treatment. Citizen groups and medical professionals in other coun- tries organized equivalent societies, and Beers was encour- aged to start a new international group. He did so in 1919, and the International Committee for Mental Hygiene (ICMH) was formed with broad support from a wide array of mental health professionals and citizen groups. The ICMH held the First International Congress on Mental Hygiene in 1930 in Washington, D.C. The congress had over 3,000 registered at- tendees, among them all the leading figures in psychiatry, psychology, and social work as well as many prominent po- litical and medical figures. By the advent of the Second Inter- national Congress on Mental Hygiene held in France in 1937, enthusiasm and support had waned. The congress was much smaller and bedeviled by complaints about the influence of Nazi sympathizers (Dain, 1980). Beers made plans to hold another congress, but World War II prevented its occurrence. Beers died before the end of the war, and the international movement had no effective leader. After the war, UNESCO and the World Health Organiza- tion (WHO) prompted mental health professionals from many countries to convene the Third International Congress on Mental Hygiene in London. The two UN agencies sought to stimulate a new international mental health organization that was less dominated by psychiatry and more inclusive of other human and social sciences (Rees, 1963). A commission was formed and supported by UNESCO and WHO to draw up plans for the new organization. In 1948, the World Feder- ation for Mental Health was founded at the Third Interna- tional Congress for Mental Hygiene (Brody, 2000). The federation grew after its inception to include a wide array of individual mental health providers and researchers, users of mental health services, and nongovernment organiza- tions. Membership in the WFMH in the year 2000 stood at 170 nationalorinternationalorganizational members, 170regional affiliate members, and more than 2,300 individual members. The major work of the federation is to promote mental health worldwide through a wide array of educational and advocacy efforts. To that end, it holds regional conferences, a biennial congress, and publishes a newsletter. The federation is an ap- proved mental health consultant to every major UN agency. CONCLUSION Scientific and professional psychological societies and asso- ciations proliferated over the course of the twentieth century. Organizations such as those discussed in this chapter played References 551 several important roles in the development of both the sci- ence and profession of psychology. Over the course of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, scientific knowledge came to form the basis for social and professional authority. Scientific and professional organizations shared in and en- hanced this authority by providing a communal voice for the claims of their science or profession. This, in turn, led to in- creased credibility for claims to expert knowledge or practice (Appel, 1988; Hardcastle, 2000; Sokal, 1992). Scientists have recognized this for several centuries, as witnessed by the creation of scientific societies as each new realm of knowledge was discovered and professionalized (Frangsmyr, 1989; Shapin, 1996; Starr, 1982). Scientific and professional organizations also exercise a certain measure of control over what counts as scientific knowledge or professional expertise (Pickren, 1995). This control allows them to exert authority over what qualifies an individual to participate in the knowledge-production or pro- fessional practice process. In this way, scientific and profes- sional societies act as gatekeepers of social and professional authority. The society or professional organization serves to set off areas of inquiry or practice that belong to that science or prac- tice and thus demarcate the boundaries of knowledge and practice (Abbott, 1988). These boundary lines allow for the definition of problems and the delineation of methods that are appropriate for the science or profession. In this way, they fa- cilitate the formation of professional identity (Gieryn, 1983, 1999). The provision of professional identity is another important role played by organizations. A woman who belongs to the Cognitive Science Society, for example, has as part of her sense of professional self the identity of cognitive scientist that such membership provides. A national psychological so- ciety that belongs to the IUPsyS shares in the identity of in- ternational science that the larger organization provides. Often, there is a sense of exclusivity provided as part of this identity. For example, only one national organization per country can belong to the IUPsyS, and only 50 psychologists at a time could belong to Titchener’s Experimentalists. There is often overlap in the knowledge claims and realms of practice among different sciences and professions. These scientific and professional borderlands have often led to fierce rivalry, but they also have led to the creation of inter- disciplinary organizations (Pickren, 1995). Such interdisci- plinary societies are more likely to form where there are problems that are perceived as falling within the purview of more than one science or profession. The creation of the American Orthopsychiatric Association is one professional example, and the Society for Research in Child Development is another. At the end of the twentieth century, a new pattern of sci- entific and professional organizations had emerged. Increas- ing specialization of knowledge led to the rapid growth of many specialty societies. For an example, the reader is en- couraged to visit the World Wide Web site of the Federation of Psychological, Behavioral, and Cognitive Societies (www.thefederationonline.org). The federation comprises 19 different societies ranging in size from the very large APA to the very small Society of Judgement and Decision-Making. 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Y., 351, 353 Ackerknecht, E. H., 305, 333 Ackerman, M. C., 283, 292, 297 Ackerman, M. J., 283, 292, 297 Ackernecht, E. H., 49, 62 Acord, J., 5, 21 Adams, G., 230, 242 Adams, H. E., 292, 298, 299 Adams, W., 282, 299 Adelman, J., 63, 258, 264 Ader, D. N., 264, 454, 455, 456 Adler, H. E., 3, 20, 63, 158, 178, 187, 200, 343, 348, 531, 537, 552 Adorno, T. W., 233, 242 Adrian, E. D., 50, 62, 97 Agronick, G., 251, 267 Ahmed, R. A., 510, 531 Aiman-Smith, L., 377, 385 Ajamu, A., 493, 506 Akbar, N., 484, 505 Akiskal, H. S., 352, 353 Albee, G., 39, 441, 444, 446, 483, 486, 487, 494, 505 Albright, T. D., 62 Alexander, F., 340, 344, 353, 453, 454, 461 Alexander, I. E., 193, 196 Alexander, P., 276 Allen, L., 448 Allen, M., 479 Allport, F. H., 8, 23, 181, 184, 188, 196, 201, 228, 229, 233, 235, 237, 240, 242, 243 Allport, G., 13, 20, 177, 178, 179, 181, 184, 185, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 224, 230, 242, 252, 264, 490 Allport, M. B., 195, 197 Allyon, T., 331, 334 Almeida, L., 283, 300, 325 Alpers, B. J., 326, 333 Alpert, R., 210, 221 Altman, B. E., 446 Altman, I., 437, 449 Amaral, D. G., 60, 61, 63, 65, 66, 401, 411 Ames, L. B., 85, 88, 89, 210, 219, 252 Amsel, A., 170, 172 Anagnostopoulou, T., 461 Anastasi, A., 294, 298 Andersen, P., 61, 65 Anderson, H. H., 208, 217 Anderson, J. R., 146, 148, 152 Anderson, J. W., 187, 197 Anderson, L. S., 444 Anderson, N. B., 455, 461 Angeletti, P. W., 163, 174 Angell, J. R., 10, 11, 12, 13, 15, 16, 20, 67, 70, 71, 80, 81, 382, 385, 509, 531 Angell, R. C., 190, 199 Angier, R. P., 167, 168, 172 Apfelbaum, E., 230, 238, 241, 242, 263, 265 Appel, T., 535, 540, 551 Appelbaum, P., 403, 407, 408, 409, 411 Appleby, D. C., 479 Archer, R., 282, 286, 298, 300 Ardilla, R., 516, 531 Arnold, M. B., 24, 31, 158, 161, 165, 172, 174, 175, 208, 334, 344, 392, 411, 417 Aronson, L. R., 72, 76, 81, 173, 237, 242, 244 Arvey, R. D., 380, 385 Asbell, B., 433, 444 Asch, S. E., 17, 20, 232, 233, 234, 238, 242 Ash, M., 119, 131, 232, 233, 242, 467, 478 Ash, P., 508, 554 Asher, S. R., 212, 217 Asken, M. J., 459, 462 Aslin, R. N., 214, 217 Astin, H. S., 260, 261, 480 Atkinson, J. W., 132, 195, 197, 252, 267, 287, 298, 300 Atkinson, R. C., 126, 127, 131 Atthowe, J. M., 328, 334 Attneave, F., 20, 490, 546 Atwood, G. E., 193, 202 Au, T. K., 146, 152, 477 Aubrey, J., 311, 334 Austin, J. T., 54, 64, 75, 198, 243, 267, 300, 367, 371, 372, 373, 374, 375, 376, 377, 378, 379, 381, 382, 383, 384, 385, 387, 438, 441 Averill, J. R., 164, 171, 172, 174 Awkard, J., 508, 554 Ax, A. F., 163, 173 Ayllon, T., 350, 353 Azrin, N. H., 350, 353 Azuma, H., 511, 531 Baban, A., 459, 461 Back, K. W., 234, 237, 242, 250 Baer, D. M., 211, 218 Baillargeon, R. L., 146, 152 Bain, A., 85, 108, 158, 173 Bain, R., 182, 197 556 Author Index Baistow, K., 238, 242 Bakeman, R., 216, 217 Baker, D. B., 28, 36, 43, 258, 259, 260, 261, 262, 263, 346, 353, 357, 364, 483, 492, 493, 505 Baker, R. W., 290, 301 Baker, S., 479 Balance, W. D. G., 4, 21 Balch, P., 440, 448 Baldwin, A. L., 193, 197 Baldwin, B. A., 99, 108 Baldwin, J. M., 12, 16, 20, 80, 81, 100, 206, 207, 209, 209, 217, 223, 225, 226, 227, 242, 512, 519 Baldwin, M., 399, 408 Bales, R. F., 234, 242 Ball, S., 272, 276, 349 Balst