ant s i n a distan t town , fro m wher e the y migh t hav e bee n use d agains t him . Th e slave s wer e a t first a n integra l par t o f th e roya l household , an d th e Turkis h slave s o f th e earl y ruler s o f Delh i wer e wel l treated , give n mino r househol d offices , an d promote d t o suc h hig h post s a s thei r meri t fitted them—n o offic e i n th e stat e bein g beyon d thei r reach . Bu t thei r powe r coul d b e dangerou s t o th e state , a s bot h Ututmis h an d Balba n foun d whe n the y ha d t o dea l wit h powerfu l slav e noble s o f previou s reigns . Ye t monarchy ha d ofte n t o rel y o n its slave s t o counte r th e high-handednes s o f nobles , an d man y a battle , beside s mor e domesti c conflicts , wa s wo n fo r a sulta n b y th e larg e forc e o f slave s unde r hi s command . I n th e tim e o f Fero z Shah , whe n prisoner s o f wa r an d captiv e rebel s wer e als o enslaved , a separat e departmen t wa s organize d t o dea l wit h thei r vas t numbers . Ib n Battut a notice s Habshi 1 slave s employe d i n larg e number s al l ove r India , includin g man y employe d a t sea . Th e civi l administratio n wa s mostl y i n th e han d o f th e wair, wh o wa s th e finance ministe r an d chie f advise r o f th e monarch . Th e wastfr (late r ofte n know n b y th e honorifi c khwdjajahdn) wa s assiste d b y tw o officer s o f ministeria l rank , th e mushrif-i mamalik an d th e mustawfi-i tnamdlik. Th e forme r wa s th e accountant-genera l an d th e latte r th e auditor-general . 1 Nominall y Abyssinian , certainl y African . Fo r a n accoun t o f the m i n India , se e EI2, s.v . HABSH I (J . Burton-Page) . 3 1 Cambridge Histories Online Cambridge University Press, 2008 TH E INDIA N SUB-CONTINEN T Al l affair s relatin g t o th e recruitmen t an d maintenanc e o f th e arm y wer e deal t wit h b y th e ‘dri^-i mamalik. Th e dabir-i khdss wa s i n charg e o f stat e correspondenc e i n th e diwdn-i inshd’. Th e barid-i mamalik wa s th e hea d o f th e stat e informatio n agency , includin g intelligence . Religiou s affair s wer e unde r th e sadr al-sudur, wh o generall y wa s als o th e qdt-i mamalik, th e chie f judg e o f th e empire . Th e mai n sourc e o f incom e wa s th e stat e deman d o n agricultura l produce , mos t o f th e are a bein g treate d a s khardji land . Land s grante d fo r religiou s purpose s wer e generall y treate d a s ’ushri. Assessmen t wa s mostl y mad e o n th e basi s o f schedule s o f averag e produc e applie d t o th e are a cultivated , whic h wa s measured. I n cas e o f a dispute , th e peasan t coul d deman d crop-sharing . Th e deman d wa s levie d mostl y i n kind , an d varie d fro m are a t o area , dependin g upo n loca l tradition . Th e leve l wa s generall y one-fift h o f th e gros s produce , whic h wa s raise d b y ‘Ala ’ al-Dl n Khalj i t o a half . I t wa s agai n lowere d t o a fifth b y Ghiya s al-DI n Tughluq . Whe n Muhamma d b . Tughlu q trie d t o enhanc e th e deman d i n th e Do’ab , ther e wa s disaffectio n an d eve n rebellion . A n importan t par t wa s playe d b y Hind u chief s wh o acte d i n man y area s a s intermediarie s betwee n th e governmen t an d th e peasants . They , however , ha d thei r function s strictl y defined , an d car e wa s take n tha t th e peasant , wh o wa s recogruze d a s th e owne r o f th e land , di d no t hav e t o pa y mor e tha n th e prescribe d demand . Th e sultan s maintaine d a n excellen t standin g army , i n whic h cavalr y playe d th e centra l role . Descriptiv e roll s o f soldier s an d thei r mount s wer e maintained , horse s wer e branded , an d annua l review s hel d t o preven t fraud . Elephant s wer e considere d t o b e a grea t asset . Ther e wa s infantr y a s well , recruite d mainl y fro m Hindu s an d other s wh o coul d no t affor d a horse , an d frequentl y no t maintaine d a s a permanen t cadr e excep t fo r th e body-guards . Th e arm y wa s organize d o n a decima l basis . Th e department s o f justice , bisba (publi c morals ) an d polic e functione d i n accordanc e wit h th e genera l patter n tha t ha d develope d elsewher e i n th e Musli m world . Justic e wa s dispense d throug h ma%dlim (govern - menta l an d administrative) , qa%a (civil) , an d siydsa (martia l la w an d case s o f rebellion ) courts . Th e chie f o f th e polic e i n th e cit y wa s know n b y a ter m o f Hind u origin— kohval . Th e provincia l governmen t wa s unde r governor s know n a s waits o r muqti’s. Th e province s wer e divide d int o shiqqs, th e shiqqs int o parganas, an d parganas int o collection s o f dibs o r villages . A dih wa s no t onl y th e residentia l par t o f a villag e bu t als o included th e agricultura l lan d Cambridge Histories Online Cambridge University Press, 2008 MUSLI M INDI A BEFOR E TH E MUGHAL S attache d t o it . Th e pargana wa s th e mai n uni t o f loca l administration . Late t the shiqqs cam e t o b e know n a s sarkars. Th e patter n o f th e centra l governmen t wa s repeate d a t th e provincia l leve l an d th e provincia l department s corresponde d directl y wit h thei r counterpart s a t th e centre . Th e hea d o f th e pargana administratio n wa s a mutasarrif wh o wa s als o calle d a n ’amil. Fo r mos t o f th e perio d th e administratio n worke d smoothl y an d a chang e o f dynast y di d no t seriousl y affec t it s efficiency . However , i t brok e dow n unde r Muhamma d b . Tughlu q wit h disastrou s con - sequences . Thi s syste m prevaile d wit h onl y mino r alteration s i n th e provincia l kingdom s a s wel l whe n the y becam e independent . ASPECT S O F CULTUR E Amon g th e grea t name s associate d wit h th e Ghaznavid s a t Lahor e ar e thos e o f Abu’l-Fara j Runi , whos e diwan ha s bee n publishe d i n Persia . Mas’u d Sa’ d Salma n (441-51 5 /1048-1121 ) wa s bor n an d educate d a t Lahor e an d wrot e i n Persian , Arabi c an d th e loca l dialect , bu t onl y hi s Persia n poetr y ha s bee n preserve d an d published . Th e famou s autho r o f Kasbfal-mahjub, Sayyi d ‘Al l Hujwiri , als o belong s t o thi s period . H e die d i n 463/107 1 an d wa s burie d a t Lahore . Imam Hasa n al-Saghani , bor n a t Lahor e i n 5 76/118 1 an d educate d there , wa s a well-know n lexicographe r an d jurist , an d hi s Masbdriq al-anwar i s a standar d boo k o n Haditb. Th e greates t write r associate d wit h Delh i i s Ami r Khusra w (651-725/1253 - 1325) , wh o wrot e voluminou s work s i n poetr y an d pros e o n historica l subjects . Hi s frien d Hasa n Sijz i i s als o famou s a s a poet , thoug h no t s o prolifi c a s Ami r Khusraw . Muhamma d b . Tughluq’ s cour t wa s als o adorne d b y Badr- i Chach , wh o ha s lef t a numbe r oiqasidas i n hi s prais e whic h contai n som e historica l information . An d n o accoun t o f Muham - ma d b . Tughluq’ s cour t woul d b e complet e withou t mentio n o f tha t acut e observer , th e Mooris h traveller Ib n Battuta , whos e RJbla present s a n invaluabl e vie w o f fourteenth-centur y Indi a throug h independen t eyes . A goo d amoun t o f historica l writin g wa s als o produce d i n thi s period. 1 Th e contributio n t o musi c made b y Muslim s i n Indi a i s considerable . The y certainl y brough t t o Indi a a numbe r o f Persian , Centra l Asia n an d Ara b instruments , an d introduce d ne w musica l mode s an d forms . I n th e absenc e o f exac t evidenc e o f th e perio d th e Musli m contributio n ca n 1 Fo r a detaile d stud y o f historian s o f thi s period , se e P . Hardy , Historians of meditpal India (London , i960) . H.I . 11—2 . 3 5 Cambridge Histories Online Cambridge University Press, 2008 TH E INDIA N SUB-CONTINEN T perhap s b e appreciate d onl y b y th e expert , wh o ca n evolv e som e sor t o f calculu s fro m th e evidenc e o f th e ancien t Sanskri t text s o n th e origina l India n music , an d th e divergence s fro m thi s standar d o f moder n nort h India n music ; wit h th e proviso , however , tha t ancient,/o/^-music , no t specificall y deal t wit h i n th e ol d texts , ma y hav e persiste d int o th e Musli m period. 1 Thi s perio d sa w a grea t effor t o n th e par t o f th e Sufi s t o reconver t th e Isma’ili s i n Sin d t o Sunn i Isla m an d t o sprea d Isla m amongs t non - Muslim s a s well . Isma’il i effor t di d no t com e t o a n en d an d ther e ar e man y communities , som e Hind u i n origin , wh o stil l retai n thei r Isma’il i beliefs . Th e fou r mai n Suf i order s i n th e sub-continen t wer e th e Chishtiyya , th e Qadiriyya , th e Suhrawardiyy a an d th e Naqshbandiyya . I t wa s throug h th e effort s o f thes e order s tha t a Musli m communit y gre w up . Thi s communit y di d no t consis t onl y o f converts , a s i s ofte n imagined , bu t include d a fai r elemen t o f descendant s o f migrant s fro m variou s regions , especiall y Centra l Asi a an d Persia . Th e schoo l o f jurisprudenc e whic h foun d favou r wa s th e Hanafiyya . Islam , especiall y som e aspect s o f Sufism , ha d som e impac t upo n th e though t o f som e Hind u religiou s reformer s fro m th e fifteenth century . 1 Fo r a discussio n o n th e natur e o f th e Musli m contributio n t o musi c i n India , se e no w N . A . Jairazbhoy , articl e ‘ Music’ , i n EI2, s.v . HIND . 3 4 Cambridge Histories Online Cambridge University Press, 2008 CHAPTE R 2 , INDI A UNDE R TH E MUGHAL S TH E MUGHA L EMPEROR S Bdbur A Timuri d prince , ‘Uma r Shayk h MIrza , rule r o f Farghana , die d i n 899/1494 , leavin g littl e mor e tha n a titl e t o hi s principalit y fo r hi s so n Babur , the n eleve n year s old . Babu r ha d t o fight no t onl y t o defen d Farghan a bu t als o t o fulfi l hi s ambitio n o f possessin g Samarqan d becaus e o f it s prestig e a s th e mai n cit y o f Centra l Asia . Hi s adventure s describe d i n hi s excellen t memoir s rea d lik e a romance . H e di d succee d i n occupy - in g Samarqand , onl y t o los e i t again . Hi s lastin g possessio n prove d t o b e Kabu l whic h h e occupie d i n 910/1504 , an d whic h becam e hi s head - quarters . Al l else , includin g Farghana , h e los t i n th e struggle . Th e ris e o f th e Ozbeg s an d th e Safavid s affecte d Babur’ s caree r deeply . Th e Ozbeg s wer e abl e t o extinguis h th e powe r o f th e Timurid s becaus e the y prove d incapabl e o f seriou s an d j oin t effort . Th e Safavid s cam e int o conflic t wit h th e Ozbeg s an d defeate d them . Babu r wa s restore d t o th e kingdo m o f Samarqan d a s a vassa l o f Sha h Isma’i l I afte r th e defea t an d deat h o f Muhamma d Shayban i Kha n Ozbe g (917/1511) . Th e Safavid s wer e defeate d i n th e battl e o f Ghujduwan , an d Babu r los t al l hop e o f rulin g Samarqand , an d returne d t o Kabu l (918/1512) . Whe n Babu r fel t secure , hi s min d turne d toward s India . Ibrahi m Lodi , th e sulta n o f Delhi , ha d alienate d hi s nobles . Dawla t Khan , th e governo r o f Lahore , sen t messenger s t o Kabu l offerin g allegianc e i n retur n fo r help . Ibrahim’ s uncle , ’Ala m Khan , als o wen t t o Kabu l seekin g assistanc e t o captur e th e thron e o f Delhi . Babur , wh o ha d mad e som e incursion s int o th e Panja b before , no w marched , ostensibl y t o hel p Dawla t Khan , an d capture d Lahore . Dawla t Khan , finding tha t Babu r ha d n o intentio n o f handin g ove r Lahor e t o him , turne d hostile . I n th e meanwhil e ’Ala m Kha n attacke d Delh i wit h th e hel p o f som e Mugha l troop s withou t success . Babur , whos e attentio n ha d bee n diverte d becaus e o f th e sieg e o f Balk h b y th e Ozbegs , returne d an d hear d a t Sialko t o f ‘Ala m Khan’ s failure . Dawla t Kha n surrendere d an d die d soo n after , Ibrahi m marche d fro m Delhi , whil e Babu r occupie d Panipa t an d waite d fo r Ibrahim . Th e first battl e o f Panipa t (932/1526 ) i s remarkabl e becaus e Babu r 3 5 Cambridge Histories Online Cambridge University Press, 2008 TH E INDIA N SUB-CONTINEN T succeede d i n defeatin g a n arm y o f 100,00 0 me n an d 1,00 0 elephant s wit h a smal l forc e o f abou t 25,000 . Babu r entere d Delh i an d hi s eldes t son , Humayun , wa s sen t t o Agra . Babur’ s nam e wa s rea d i n th e khutba a s th e empero r o f Hindustan . Thu s wa s established th e Mugha l empire . Babu r ha d stil l t o conten d wit h formidabl e forces . Th e remnan t o f th e Afgha n noble s electe d Ibrahim’ s brother , Mahmud , a s sultan . Ran a Sang a o f Chitor , th e hea d o f a stron g Rajpu t confederacy , sa w i n th e debacl e o f th e Lodi s th e opportunit y o f gainin g vas t territories ; bu t Babu r defeate d hi m a t Khanu a i n 933/1 5 27 . Babu r the n turne d hi s attentio n t o Mahmu d Lodl . Th e decisiv e battl e wa s fough t i n 936/1 5 2 9 nea r th e confluenc e o f th e Gogr a (Ghagra ) wit h th e Ganges , wher e Babu r wa s onc e agai n victorious . H e wa s als o abl e t o conclud e a treat y o f peac e wit h Nusra t Shah , th e kin g o f Bengal . A yea r afterward s Babu r was take n ill , an d die d i n 937/1530 , nominatin g Humayu n a s hi s successor . Babu r wa s no t onl y a valian t soldie r an d a capabl e genera l bu t als o a n accomplishe d write r an d a poe t o f merit . Hi s memoir s ar e famous . Becaus e o f hi s preoccupations , som e entrie s ar e sketch y a s i f mad e i n a diary , bu t i n othe r place s th e reade r i s full y compensate d b y Babur’ s excellen t pen-picture s o f importan t contemporaries . H e ha s als o recorde d a considerabl e amoun t o f natura l dat a o f whic h h e seeme d t o b e a kee n observer . I n additio n ther e ar e hi s essay s i n criticis m o f literar y work s an d paintings , building s an d institutions . Outstandin g i s hi s grea t sincerity , whic h prevent s hi m fro m indulgin g i n self-prais e o r hidin g hi s shortcomings . H e emerge s a s a lovable , generous , capabl e an d brav e man , wh o win s th e admiratio n an d sympath y o f th e discernin g reade r b y tellin g al l abou t himself , whethe r creditabl e o r otherwise . Humayun Humayu n succeede d t o th e thron e withou t an y trouble , bu t late r hi s younge r brothers , Kamran , ’Askar i an d Hindal , create d difficulties . Afte r hi s defea t a t th e hand s o f Babur , Mahmu d Lod l ha d fled t o Bengal . No w h e invade d th e Mugha l territorie s an d too k Jawnpur . Humayu n marche d agains t hi m an d gaine d a decisiv e victory . Th e sulta n o f Gujarat , Bahadu r Shah , though t i t opportun e t o sen d thre e column s agains t variou s point s i n Mugha l territories , al l o f whic h wer e defeated . Bahadu r Shah , wh o ha d bee n besiegin g Chitor , turne d afte r it s fal l toward s Humayun , wh o ha d reache d Mandasor , onl y sixt y 3 6 Cambridge Histories Online Cambridge University Press, 2008 INDI A UNDE R THE MUGHAL S mile s away , i n pursui t o f on e o f th e Gujara t columns . Bahadu r Shah , instea d o f attackin g Humayun , entrenche d himsel f i n a camp . Th e Mughal s cu t oflFal l supplies , an d ultimatel y Bahadu r Sha h ha d t o escap e t o Mand u (941/1535) . Humayu n followe d him . Th e for t fell , an d Bahadu r onc e agai n es - cape d wit h th e Mughal s i n pursuit . H e succeede d i n reachin g Di u (Diw) . Humayun , leavin g ’Askar i a t Ahmadabad , returne d t o Mand u t o organiz e th e administratio n o f Malwa . ’Askar i di d nothin g t o ous t Bahadu r Sha h fro m Diu , no r di d h e organiz e th e administration . Bahadu r Sha h wa s soo n abl e t o collec t a force , an d marche d upo n Ahmadabad . ’Askar i retreate d i n th e directio n o f Agra . Thu s Gujara t wa s wo n an d los t i n a littl e ove r on e year . I t wa s reporte d t o Humayu n tha t ‘Askari’ s follower s ha d treasonabl e designs , s o Humayu n lef t Malw a an d marche d toward s Agra , meetin g ‘Askari’ s force s o n th e way , bu t di d no t punis h ‘Askar i because , i n additio n t o th e los s o f Gujarat , ther e ha d com e new s o f difficultie s wit h th e Afghan s i n th e east . Afte r Humayun’ s marc h fro m Mandu , Malw a wa s seize d b y Malli i Kha n wh o ha d bee n governo r befor e th e Mugha l occupation . A t thi s junctur e Humayu n encountere d a formidabl e riva l i n th e Afghan , She r Khan , th e so n o f Hasa n Kha n wh o hel d th e parganas o f Sahsaram , Hajlpu r an d Khawaspu r Tanda . Farid , a s She r Kha n wa s originall y called , fled fro m Sahsara m t o Jawnpu r becaus e o f hi s father’ s coldness , a s Hasa n wa s completel y unde r th e influenc e o f Farid’ s step - mother . A t Jawnpu r h e devote d himsel f t o hi s studies , and , whe n hi s fathe r onc e visite d Jawnpur , h e wa s s o struc k wit h Farid’ s capacit y tha t h e invite d hi m bac k an d pu t hi m i n charg e o f hi s parganas. Ffer e h e showe d hi s grea t talen t fo r goo d administration . Thi s furthe r excite d hi s step-mother’ s jealousy , an d h e wa s soo n force d t o leav e again , an d see k servic e i n Agr a a t th e cour t o f Ibrahi m Lodi . Afte r th e sultan’ s defea t a t Panlpat , Fari d attache d himsel f t o th e self-appointe d Sulta n Muhamma d o f Bihar . I t wa s i n hi s servic e that , on e day , whil e accompanyin g th e monarc h i n a hunt , Fari d sle w a tige r wit h a sword , an d receive d th e titl e o f She r Khan . H e wa s als o appointe d tuto r t o th e sultan’ s youn g son , Jala l Khan . Afte r a n interva l i n th e servic e o f Babur , h e returne d t o th e cour t o f Sulta n Muhammad , wher e h e wa s restore d t o hi s forme r position . Th e sulta n die d shortl y after ; hi s son , Jala l Khan , bein g a minor , hi s mothe r becam e th e regen t an d appointe d She r Kha n a s he r agent . Thu s h e becam e th e rule r o f Bihar . Whe n th e quee n die d h e wa s virtuall y king . 3 7 Cambridge Histories Online Cambridge University Press, 2008 TH E INDIA N SUB-CONTINEN T Sulta n Muhamma d o f Benga l sen t a forc e agains t Biha r whic h wa s defeate d wit h heav y losses . H e sen t anothe r army , an d thi s tim e th e noble s persuade d Jala l Kha n t o dismis s She r Khan . H e retire d t o Sah - saram , an d Jala l Kha n joine d force s wit h Bengal . A t thi s She r Kha n enliste d mor e troops , advance d agains t th e Benga l army , an d defeate d it . Jala l Kha n escape d int o Bengal , an d She r Khan’ s powe r becam e absolute . Th e treasures , animal s an d equipmen t lef t b y th e tw o Benga l armie s ha d enriche d an d strengthene d him . H e the n acquire d th e stron g for t o f Chuna r o n th e Gange s throug h marriag e wit h th e wido w o f it s comman - dant . Mahmu d Lod i no w too k possessio n o f Bihar , leavin g onl y hi s parganas t o She r Khan , wh o reluctantl y joine d him , bu t refraine d fro m activel y supportin g th e sulta n agains t th e Mughals . Mahmu d Lod i wa s defeate d and , bein g unabl e t o rais e a ne w army , retire d t o Orissa , wher e h e die d i n 949/1542 . Durin g al l thi s tim e She r Kha n ha d bee n quietl y buildin g u p hi s power . H e accumulate d arm s an d devise d a pla n t o seiz e th e hoarde d treasure s o f th e ruler s o f Bengal . Whe n report s o f She r Khan’ s activitie s reache d Humayun , h e marche d agains t Chunar , whic h wa s capture d afte r a difficul t sieg e i n 944/1537 . Whil e Humayu n wa s bus y besiegin g Chunar , She r Kha n marche d int o Benga l an d too k Gawr . She r Khan , knowin g ful l wel l tha t Humayu n woul d follo w hi m int o Bengal , los t n o time . H e remove d hi s boot y t o th e hill s o f souther n Bihar , whic h h e intende d t o us e a s a bas e agains t th e Mughals . H e als o gaine d b y a stratege m th e for t o f Rohtas , wher e h e pu t hi s famil y an d hi s newl y acquire d treasures . Humayu n marche d int o Benga l and , delighte d wit h it s verdure , prolonge d hi s stay . H e poste d Hinda l o n th e nort h ban k o f th e Gange s t o guar d hi s lin e o f communication . Souther n Biha r i s hilly , and , bein g covere d wit h thic k jungle , i s impenetrabl e b y cavalry . Th e sol e mean s o f communicatio n wa s throug h th e Teliyagahr l pass . She r Khan , wh o kne w th e terrai n well , harasse d th e Mugha l communications , s o tha t Hinda l deserte d hi s post ; h e retire d t o Agr a wit h rebelliou s intentions . She r Kha n too k al l th e are a betwee n Banara s an d Teliyagarhl . Benga l wa s thu s turne d int o a priso n fo r Humayu n b y th e superio r strateg y o f She r Khan . A t las t Humayu n realize d hi s danger , marche d ou t and reache d Chawsa , wher e h e halted , unawar e o f She r Khan’ s position . She r Khan’s force s soo n appeared , and , instea d o f attackin g the m whe n the y wer e tired , th e Mughal s waited . Afte r restin g hi s troops , She r Kha n attacke d Humayun , wh o wa s take n b y surprise . Th e Mugha l 3 8 Cambridge Histories Online Cambridge University Press, 2008 INDI A UNDE R TH E MUGHAL S arm y wa s thoroughl y beate n (946/1539) . Afte r th e battle , She r Kha n proclaime d himsel f sultan , wit h th e titl e o f She r Shah . Whil e Humayu n wa s i n difficultie s i n Bengal , Hinda l ha d faile d t o hel p him , an d ha d indulge d i n treasonabl e activitie s a t Agra . Kamra n als o move d fro m Lahore , an d establishe d himsel f i n Agra . Humayu n an d ‘Askar i wer e abl e t o reac h Agr a wit h difficulty , an d She r Sha h occupie d Bengal . Kamra n lef t Humayu n i n thi s desperat e situatio n an d retired t o th e Panjab . She r Sha h afte r havin g consolidate d hi s positio n i n Bengal , marche d agains t th e Mughals . Humayu n advance d fro m Agr a an d stoppe d nea r Kannawj , wit h She r Sha h o n th e othe r ban k o f th e Ganges . Defection s force d Humayu n int o crossin g th e river . Th e Mughal s fough t a half-hearte d battle , an d She r Shah’ s 10,00 0 troop s pu t a Mugha l forc e o f 40,00 0 t o flight (947/1540) . Afte r thi s defea t Humayu n reache d Agra , bu t ther e wa s n o chanc e o f takin g a stand . H e evacuate d Agr a and , afte r a hal t a t Delhi , hurrie d o n t o Lahore , followe d i n clos e pursui t b y th e Afghans . Lahor e wa s abandoned . Hi s progres s toward s Afghanista n bein g barre d b y Kamran , Humayu n turne d toward s Sind , wher e h e ha d n o success . H e receive d a n invitatio n fro m Raj a Maldev a o f Marwar , an d face d grav e difficultie s i n reachin g there , onl y t o discove r tha t th e raj a ha d turne d agains t him . H e returne d facin g eve n greate r hardships . Ultimatel y h e reache d ’Umarkot , wher e th e rule r gav e hi m shelter . I t wa s her e tha t Akba r wa s bor n i n 949/1542 . Humayu n coul d no t sta y lon g a t ’Umarko t an d decide d t o g o t o Qandahar . ’Askari , wh o wa s th e governo r o f Qandaha r o n behal f o f Kamran , strengthene d hi s defences , an d instigate d som e Baluc h chief s t o arres t Humayun , wh o escaped , bu t Akba r fel l int o thei r hand s an d wa s sen t t o ’Askarl . Humayu n entere d Persi a a s a refugee , and , afte r man y humiliation s an d difficulties , secure d smal l reinforce - ment s i n 952/154 5 fro m Sha h Tahmas p t o fight agains t Kamran . A protracte d struggle ensued , unti l Humayu n succeede d i n oustin g Kamran . ‘Askari , wh o ha d remaine d faithfu l t o Kamran , wa s capture d an d wa s sen t t o Mecca , wher e h e die d i n 9 6 5 /1 5 5 8 . Hinda l wa s kille d i n a nigh t attac k b y a n Afgha n (959/1 5 51) . Kamra n joined , fo r a while , th e cour t o f She r Shah’ s son , Isla m Shah , bu t disappointe d wit h hi s con - temptuou s receptio n h e ra n away , an d finally fel l int o Humayun’ s hands . I n spit e o f pressur e fro m th e courtiers , Kamra n wa s no t executed , bu t wa s blinde d an d sen t t o Mecca , wher e h e die d i n 964/1 5 5 7 . Afte r Humayun’ s departur e fro m Lahore , She r Sha h occupie d th e Panjab , Malw a an d Ranthambhor . H e punishe d Puranma l o f Rayse n fo r 3 9 Cambridge Histories Online Cambridge University Press, 2008 TH E INDIA N SUB-CONTINEN T havin g massacre d th e Musli m inhabitant s o f Chander l an d enslavin g Musli m an d Hind u women . H e brough t Marwa r an d Mewa r unde r hi s control . The n h e marche d agains t Kalinjar , whic h h e besieged . A rocket , reboundin g fro m th e gat e o f th e fort , fel l int o a hea p o f ammuni - tio n i n proximit y t o th e sultan . H e wa s severel y burnt , an d wa s carrie d t o hi s tent . Th e officer s wer e summone d an d commande d t o tak e th e fort , an d befor e sunse t h e receive d th e new s o f it s captur e b y storm . The n h e die d (952/1545) . She r Sha h wa s a goo d genera l an d a grea t strategist , a s th e wa y h e trappe d an d defeate d Humayu n shows . H e ha s bee n highl y praise d fo r hi s efficien t administration . Th e lesson s learn t i n hi s yout h i n administer - in g th e parganas o f hi s fathe r wer e neve r forgotten , an d h e stand s out a s on e o f th e greates t administrator s wh o eve r sa t o n th e thron e o f Delhi . H e wa s just , toleran t an d benevolent . H e too k a n interes t i n th e welfar e o f hi s subjects , improve d communications , buil t an d repaire d caravan - serais , an d too k step s t o maintai n peac e an d order . H e ros e fro m bein g a studen t i n exil e t o b e first th e rule r o f Bihar , an d the n th e sulta n o f Delhi . Afgha n writers , wh o naturall y wrot e wit h considerabl e nostalgi a i n th e day s o f Akbar , exaggerate d hi s originality , thoug h no t hi s capacit y a s a n administrator . She r Sha h ha d ver y littl e tim e a t hi s disposa l t o creat e ne w institutions . H e was , however , a kee n studen t o f history , an d succeede d i n puttin g int o actio n th e administrativ e machinery , whic h ha d bee n considerabl y damage d b y disturbe d conditions . H e wa s succeede d b y hi s son , Isla m Shah , wh o wa s brav e an d deter - mined , bu t suspiciou s b y nature , an d harsh i n hi s dealings . Becaus e o f hi s harshness , hi s brothe r ’Adi l Kha n wa s favoure d b y som e nobles , whic h se t Isla m Sha h agains t him . ‘Adi l Kha n wa s defeated , an d fled toward s Patn a wher e h e disappeared , bu t Isla m Shah’ s campaig n agains t th e noble s continued , an d ther e i s littl e els e t o narrat e abou t th e reign . O n hi s deat h (961/1554 ) hi s so n Fero z wa s raise d t o th e throne . Hi s brother-in-law , Mubari z Khan , marche d a t th e hea d o f a stron g forc e toward s Gwalior , wher e h e force d hi s wa y int o th e presenc e o f th e youn g kin g and , despit e th e entreatie s o f th e mother , murdere d th e bo y an d ascende d th e thron e unde r th e titl e o f ’Adi l Shah . H e displaye d littl e tac t an d eve n les s capacity . Relation s betwee n th e noble s an d th e sulta n wer e embittere d becaus e o f hi s harshness . A cousi n o f th e sultan , Ibrahi m Kha n Sur , cam e t o kno w tha t a n attemp t wa s t o b e mad e o n hi s life . H e fled fro m Gwalior , occupie d Delh i an d assume d th e roya l title . ‘Adi l Sha h the n gre w suspiciou s o f anothe r cousin , Ahma d Khan , who m 4 0 Cambridge Histories Online Cambridge University Press, 2008 INDI A UNDE R TH E MUGHAL S h e intended t o remove , bu t wh o wa s warne d b y hi s wife , th e sultan’ s younge r sister . H e lef t Gwalio r an d escape d t o Delhi . Ther e h e quar - relle d wit h Ibrahim , and , havin g defeate d hi m nea r Agra , occupie d Delhi , an d proclaime d himsel f sulta n a s Sikanda r Sha h i n 962/1555 . Ther e wer e no w thre e sultans : c Adi l Shah , whos e authorit y extende d ove r Agra , Malw a an d Jawnpur ; Sikanda r Shah , wh o wa s suprem e fro m Delh i t o Rohta s i n th e Panjab ; an d Ibrahi m Shah , wh o rule d th e foothill s o f th e Himalaya s i n th e Panjab . A fourt h contende r fo r positio n wa s a pett y shopkeepe r o f Rewar i calle d Hem u wh o ha d gathere d al l loca l powe r int o hi s hands . Th e powe r o f th e Sur s bein g thu s divided , Humayu n decide d t o tr y hi s luc k again . H e capture d Lahore , Jullunda r (Jalandhar) , Sathind , Hisa r an d Dipalpur . Sikanda r marche d wit h a n arm y o f thirt y thousand , wa s defeate d a t Machiwara , an d retire d int o th e hills . Saman a fel l soo n after , an d fro m ther e Humayu n marche d upo n Delhi , whic h h e occupied . Force s wer e sen t int o th e Do’ab . However , befor e muc h coul d b e achieved , he fel l fro m th e stair s o f hi s library , an d die d tw o day s late r i n 963/1556 . Akbar Akba r wa s littl e mor e tha n thirtee n year s ol d whe n h e succeede d t o th e throne . Bayra m Khan , a trie d office r an d frien d o f Humayun , wa s appointe d hi s guardian . Th e reig n bega n wit h difficulties . Apar t fro m th e thre e Su r contestants , ther e wa s th e ambitiou s Hemu . H e advance d fro m Gwalio r t o Agra , whic h wa s lost . Hem u the n marche d upo n Delhi , fro m whic h th e Mugha l governor , Tard i Beg , fled. Suc h area s i n th e Do’a b a s ha d bee n occupie d wer e evacuated . Bayra m marche d agains t Hemu, a t th e secon d battl e o f Panlpat . Th e Mughal s wer e greatl y outnumbered , bu t afte r a n arche r succeede d i n piercin g Hemii’ s ey e wit h a n arrow , h e wa s capture d an d executed . Agr a an d Delh i wer e recovered . ’Adi l Sha h wa s stil l i n Chuna r whe n h e wa s attacke d b y hi s cousi n Jala l al-DI n Bahadu r Sha h o f Bengal , an d wa s slain . Sikanda r surrendere d i n 964/1557 , an d th e Do’a b wa s soo n brough t bac k unde r control . Whe n Akba r wa s eightee n year s old , a numbe r o f hi s foster-relative s an d other s persuade d hi m t o brea k wit h hi s guardian . Akba r lef t Agr a an d wen t t o Delhi , fro m wher e h e informe d Bayra m Kha n tha t h e wa s n o longe r neede d a s a regen t an d tutor . Bayram , rejectin g al l advic e t o Cambridge Histories Online Cambridge University Press, 2008 TH E INDIA N SUB-CONTINEN T rebel , announce d hi s intentio n o f goin g o n Pilgrimag e t o Mecca . How - ever , h e wante d t o dispos e o f hi s propert y i n th e Panjab . Akba r showe d impatience , an d sen t a forme r servan t an d persona l enem y o f Bayra m Kha n t o haste n him . Thi s goade d Bayra m Kha n int o rebellion ; h e wa s defeated , an d too k refug e i n Tilwara , a hil l fortress , fro m wher e h e sen t a messenge r t o Akba r expressin g repentance . Bayra m appeare d befor e Akba r a t Hajjipur . H e the n departe d fo r Mecca , an d wa s kille d b y som e Afghan s nea r Pata n i n 967/1560 . Bayra m deserve d bette r treat - men t becaus e o f hi s service s t o Humayu n an d Akbar . H e wa s a n able , sincer e an d wis e servant . Malw a ha d acte d independentl y o f it s Mugha l governo r sinc e 9 5 4/1 5 47 . I n 968/156 1 Akba r sen t a n expeditio n unde r Adha m Khan , hi s foster - brothe r an d th e so n o f hi s chie f nurse , Maha m Anaga , who , alon g wit h othe r foster-relatives , ha d com e t o wiel d grea t influenc e i n matter s o f state . Malw a wa s unde r Ba z Bahadur , th e enthrone d so n o f a Khalj i noble , wh o i s stil l remembere d a s a n accomplishe d musicia n an d fo r th e famou s romanc e betwee n hi m an d a beautifu l Hind u girl , Rupmati . H e wa s easil y defeate d an d sough t safet y i n flight. Rupmat i too k poison t o sav e hersel f fro m Adha m Khan , whos e misbehaviou r brough t Akba r t o Malwa , bu t Adha m Kha n wa s permitte d t o continu e a s governor . I n th e meanwhil e ‘Adi l Shah’ s son , She r Khan , marche d o n Jawnpu r an d wa s defeated . Asa f Kha n wa s sen t agains t Chunar , whic h surren - dered . Th e easter n province s wer e no w relieve d o f an y seriou s danger . Adha m Kha n continue d t o misbehav e i n Malwa , an d ha d t o b e recalled . Hi s lieutenant , lef t i n charg e o f th e province , wa s eve n worse , an d Ba z Bahadu r recovere d Malwa . Akba r the n sen t ‘Ab d Alla h Kha n Ozbeg , wh o reorganize d th e province . Akba r invite d Atg a Kha n fro m Kabu l t o tak e u p th e dutie s o f chie f minister , t o th e disappointmen t o f th e hare m party . Whe n Adha m Kha n reache d th e cour t h e murdere d Atg a Kha n (969/1562) . Akba r execute d Adha m immediately , an d Maha m die d o f grie f fort y day s later . Thi s brough t Akba r complet e emancipatio n fro m th e hare m influence . Henceforth , Akbar , wh o ha d alread y show n considerabl e initiative , mostl y followe d hi s ow n counsel . Asa f Kha n wa s ordere d t o conque r th e Hind u kingdo m o f Gondwana , whic h wa s annexe d (971/ i 564) . Kha n Zaman , alon g wit h severa l othe r Ozbegs , wa s poste d i n th e east , an d extende d th e frontier s o f th e empir e t o th e border s o f Bengal . Becaus e o f thei r absenc e fro m th e court , th e interest s o f th e Ozbeg s wer e neglected . Thi s create d disaffection , an d 4 2 Cambridge Histories Online Cambridge University Press, 2008 INDI A UNDE R TH E MUGHAL S ultimatel y revol t brok e ou t i n 973/1565 . Th e rebellio n wa s quelle d whe n Kha n Zama n wa s trample d t o death b y a n elephan t i n a hard-fough t battl e nea r Kar a (975/1567) . I n th e sam e yea r Akba r marche d agains t th e rand o f Chitor . Bihar ! Mal l o f Ambe r ha d alread y allie d himsel f wit h th e Mughal s b y marryin g hi s daughte r t o th e emperor , whic h wa s th e beginnin g o f th e intimat e relationshi p betwee n th e Mugha l dynast y an d th e Rajputs . Uda y Singh , th e rand o f Chitor , however , ha d no t offere d submission , henc e th e campaig n agains t Chitor . Th e fortres s wa s considere d impregnable , an d th e defenc e wa s lef t b y th e rdnd t o on e Ja y Mai , wh o pu t u p a spirite d fight . Akbar , however , succeede d i n shootin g Ja y Ma i wit h hi s muske t whe n h e wa s ou t o n a roun d o f th e defences . Th e Rajput s the n com - mitte d th e terribl e rit e o f jawhar, i n whic h the y burn t thei r women , donne d saffro n robes , an d rushe d upo n th e enem y t o b e killed . Chito r thu s fel l int o Akbar’ s hands . Ranthambo r an d Kalinja r wer e als o taken , an d Gujarat , whic h ha d falle n int o a stat e o f anarchy , a s mentione d abov e (p . 27) , wa s conquere d i n 981/1573 . Akba r nex t turne d hi s attentio n t o Bengal . Sulayma n Kararan i ha d bee n th e governo r unde r She r Shah , and , afte r th e declin e o f th e Surs , ha d becom e independent . H e die d i n 980/1 5 72 . Hi s so n Da’ii d invade d th e Mugha l dominions . Thi s resulte d i n war , endin g onl y whe n Da’ii d wa s capture d i n battl e an d execute d (984/1576) . Akbar’ s strictnes s i n th e enforcemen t o f regulation s regardin g th e maintenanc e o f troop s b y loca l officer s resulte d i n a rebellio n i n th e easter n provinces . I t wa s aggravate d b y Akbar’ s attitud e toward s orthodo x Islam , whic h wil l b e discusse d later . Simultaneousl y hi s younge r brother , Muhamma d Hakim , marche d int o th e Panjab , an d reache d Lahore . H e di d no t receiv e muc h support , an d whe n h e hear d tha t Akba r wa s marchin g agains t him , h e retreated . Akba r followe d hi m t o Kabul , wher e Haki m wa s forgiven . H e die d fou r year s later . Th e are a aroun d th e Khybe r pas s wa s occupie d b y th e fanati c sec t o f Riishana ' is . Th e campaig n agains t the m prove d difficult , bu t the y wer e ultimatel y defeate d i n 996/1586 . Akba r wa s disturbe d b y th e ris e o f ’Ab d Alla h Kha n Ozbe g i n Centra l Asia . Th e provinc e o f Badakhsha n wa s tor n wit h interna l dissensions . Th e triba l area , a s ha s bee n mentioned , wa s i n a stat e o f unrest , an d Kabu l itsel f wa s badl y administere d b y Hakim . Akba r therefor e move d t o Lahor e t o b e close r t o th e scene s o f troubl e an d t o pla n th e contro l o f Kashmi r a s well . ‘Ab d Alla h Khan , t o who m on e o f th e contestant s i n 4 3 Cambridge Histories Online Cambridge University Press, 2008 TH E INDIA N SUB-CONTINEN T Badakhsha n ha d appeale d fo r help , too k hol d o f tha t province . Shortl y afterward s Muhamma d Haki m died , an d Kabu l wa s occupie d fo r Akba r (993/1585) . Anothe r Mugha l forc e marche d int o Kashmir , wher e i t receive d th e homag e o f it s ruler , Yusu f Shah , i n 994/1 5 86 ; subsequentl y Kashmirwa s formall y annexe d an d Yusu f wa s detaine d a s a stateprisoner . Sin d wa s annexe d i n 999/1 5 9 0 an d th e ruler , Jan i Beg , appeare d a t cour t i n 1002/1593 . Ther e h e wonAkbar’ s favou r b y becomin g hi s disciple , an d wa s appointe d governo r o f Sind . Havin g secure d th e whol e o f norther n India , Akba r starte d takin g definit e step s t o brin g th e Decca n unde r hi s control . (A n accoun t o f th e Decca n sultanat e i s give n late r i n th e Appendix. ) Mission s wer e sen t t o differen t ruler s wh o ha d sen t gifts , thes e wer e treate d a s tribut e an d gav e th e Mughal s a pretex t t o interfer e i n th e affair s o f th e Decca n wheneve r i t suite d them . Afte r a protracte d wa r th e imperia l troop s succeede d i n occupyin g Ahmadnaga r (1009/1600) , an d the n annexin g th e smal l principalit y o f Khandesh . Th e fal l o f th e Niza m Shah i sultanat e o f Ahmadnaga r demonstrate d t o th e othe r ruler s o f th e Decca n tha t i t woul d b e difficul t fo r the m t o resis t th e migh t o f th e Mugha l empire . Salim , Akbar’ s eldes t son , late r th e Empero r Jahangir , wa s dissatisfie d becaus e hi s positio n a s heir-apparen t ha d no t bee n recognized . Hi s behaviou r a t Allahabad , wher e h e wa s governor , cause d som e anxiet y an d i n th e vie w o f som e historian s amounte d t o rebellion . H e wa s reconcile d wit h Akba r an d forgive n i n 1012/1603 . Tw o year s later , i n 1014/1605 , Akba r died . B y al l standard s Akba r wa s personall y brave , a goo d genera l an d a n excellen t administrator . H e wa s responsibl e fo r convertin g a smal l kingdo m int o a resplenden t an d might y empire . Hi s nam e passe d int o legen d an d folklor e a s th e embodimen t o f th e qualitie s associate d wit h grea t monarchs . However , a goo d dea l o f wha t Akba r di d contribute d t o bringin g abou t th e destructio n o f th e fabri c tha t h e ha d built . Hi s patronag e o f architectur e an d literatur e wil l b e discusse d elsewhere , a s als o hi s peculiaritie s a s a religiou s thinker . Jahangir Sali m succeede d t o th e thron e a s NQ r al-Di n Muhamma d Jahangi r Ghazi . Hi s son , Khusraw , ha d als o bee n a claimant . Khusra w wa s influential , an d ha d th e qualit y o f attractin g devote d friends . Ma n Singh , Khusraw’ s uncle , wa s hi s mai n supporter . Whe n Jahangi r ascen - 4 4 Cambridge Histories Online Cambridge University Press, 2008 INDI A UNDE R TH E MUGHAL S de d th e throne , h e trie d t o conciliat e Ma n Sing h an d Khusraw . However , Khusra w escape d t o th e Panjab , wher e h e attracte d som e support . A n inciden t o f far-reachin g consequence s wa s tha t th e Sik h guru Arju n gav e hi s blessing s t o Khusraw ; thi s embittere d th e relation s betwee n Jahangi r an d th e Sikhs , an d Sikh-Mugha l animosit y developed . Khus - ra w lai d sieg e t o Lahore . Jahangi r marche d i n pursui t o f Khusra w who , leavin g a contingen t i n fron t o f Lahore , turne d t o fight, an d wa s defeate d a t Bhairowal . H e wa s capture d i n a n attemp t t o cros s th e Jhelum . Jahangi r imprisone d th e prince , bu t hi s follower s wer e punishe d severely . Whil e i n confinemen t Khusra w hatche d a plot , whic h wa s revealed , an d th e ringleader s wer e executed . Jahangi r refuse d t o rea d th e entir e correspondenc e fo r human e reasons . Th e leadin g official s though t i t unfai r tha t wherea s th e supporter s wer e punishe d heavily , nothin g happene d t o th e princ e wh o wa s th e roo t o f th e trouble . They , therefore , pu t pressur e upo n Jahangir , an d induce d hi m t o blin d Khusra w t o sto p hi m fro m an y furthe r mischief . Soon , however , Jahangi r relented , an d aske d physician s t o trea t th e princ e whos e eyesigh t wa s partiall y restored , bu t h e wa s no t released . Jahangir’ s queen , Nu r Jahan , wa s th e daughte r o f MIrz a Ghiya s Beg , a well-bor n ma n o f talent , wh o migrate d t o India , an d ros e steadil y i n th e imperia l service . Sh e wa s lady-in-waitin g t o Akbar’ s senio r widow . Jahangi r sa w he r fo r th e first tim e i n 1020/1611 , fel l i n lov e wit h her , an d marrie d her . Nu r Jahan , beautifu l an d capable , prove d t o b e a devote d wife . Whe n Jahangir’ s healt h decline d becaus e o f asthma , h e cam e t o rel y mor e an d mor e upo n her . Sh e wa s supporte d b y he r fathe r wh o wa s give n th e titl e o f I’tima d al-Dawla . H e woul d hav e rise n anyhow , bu t hi s promotio n wa s mor e rapi d becaus e o f Nu r Jahan’ s influence . He r brothe r Asa f Kha n wa s learned , a goo d administrator , an d a n exper t financier. He r grou p include d Princ e Khurram , late r th e Empero r Sha h Jahan , th e mos t capabl e o f Jahangir’ s sons , an d th e on e obviousl y marke d ou t fo r succession . H e wa s Asa f Khan’ s son-in-law . Jahangir’ s reig n ca n b e divide d int o tw o parts . Th e first extend s fro m 1020-32/1611-2 2 whe n Jahangi r stil l ha d complet e contro l ove r affairs . I’tima d al-Dawl a wa s aliv e an d exercise d a moderatin g influence , an d Nu r Jaha n an d Khurra m wer e i n agreement . Durin g th e secon d period , fro m 1032/162 2 t o 1037/1627 , Jahangi r bega n t o los e hi s hol d o n th e administratio n becaus e o f hi s ill-health . I’tima d al-Dawl a wa s dead , whil e Khurra m an d Nu r Jaha n becam e hostil e t o on e another . I n 1021/161 2 a n Afgha n revol t i n Benga l gav e considerabl e troubl e 4 5 Cambridge Histories Online Cambridge University Press, 2008 TH E INDIA N SUB-CONTINEN T unti l a youn g officer , Isla m Khan , wa s mad e governor , an d succeede d i n defeatin g th e rebels . Afte r thi s th e Afghan s neve r gav e trouble . Dis - turbance s als o brok e ou t i n Mewa r wher e th e rand, Ama r Singh , ha d graduall y increase d hi s power . Th e Rajput s wage d guerrill a warfar e i n th e hills . Afte r som e tim e i n 1022/161 4 Khurra m wa s appointe d t o Mewar , t o who m Ama r Sing h submitte d an d promise d no t t o occup y Chito r again . H e wa s excuse d fro m attendanc e a t th e cour t becaus e o f hi s ol d age , bu t hi s so n wa s sen t a s a hostag e fo r hi s father’ s loyalty . I n 1024/161 6 Jahangi r receive d Si r Thoma s Roe . Th e Englis h ha d bee n tryin g t o secur e som e concession s fro m th e Mughals , an d Willia m Hawkin s ha d visite d th e cour t eigh t year s earlier . Th e Mughal s ha d a poo r opinio n o f th e English , wh o wer e considere d t o b e uncout h an d unruly . Ro e wa s unabl e t o obtai n an y concession , bu t di d succee d i n securin g permissio n t o carr y o n trad e fro m Khurram , wh o wa s th e vicero y o f th e Deccan . Th e situatio n i n th e Decca n ha d take n a tur n fo r th e worse , a s fa r a s th e Mughal s wer e concerned , becaus e o f th e ris e o f a Habsh i officer , Mali k ’Anbar , t o powe r i n Ahmadnagar . H e recruite d Maratha s an d organize d the m int o guerill a troops , an d recovere d a goo d dea l o f th e territor y los t t o th e Mughals . Afte r initia l difficulties , th e comman d wa s give n t o Princ e Khurram . Mali k ‘Anba r though t i t wis e t o ced e th e territor y tha t h e ha d captured . Khurra m visite d hi s fathe r afte r thi s successfu l campaign , an d wa s awarde d th e unprecedente d ran k o f 30,00 0 (se e below , p . 5 5 ) an d give n th e titl e o f Sha h Jahan . B y 1033/162 3 al l powe r ha d passe d int o th e hand s o f Nu r Jahan . Sh e coul d forese e tha t Sha h Jaha n wa s no t likel y t o remai n unde r he r influenc e and , therefore , sh e though t o f advancin g th e incapabl e Shahryar , Jahangir’ s younges t son , a s he r candidate . Wit h thi s i n view , sh e marrie d he r daughte r b y he r first husban d t o hi m i n 1030/1620 . I’tima d al-Dawladiedi n 1032/162 1 and , a s AsafKha n wa s Sha h Jahan’ s father-in - law , h e wa s no t likel y t o tur n agains t him . Thu s Nu r Jaha n wa s isolated . Sha h Jahan’ s positio n wa s strengthene d b y Khusraw’ s deat h i n 1031/1622 . I n 1016/160 6 Sha h ’Abba s I o f Persi a instigate d hi s officer s t o besieg e Qandahar , bu t i t wa s abl y defended , an d th e Persian s retire d whe n Mugha l reinforcement s arrived . Sha h ‘Abba s disowne d th e campaign . I n 1031/162 2 Sha h Jaha n wa s aske d t o marc h t o it s relief , but , bein g afrai d o f Nu r Jahan’ s intrigue s i n hi s absence , h e lai d dow n condition s whic h wer e rejecte d b y Jahangir . Whe n Sha h Jaha n fel t tha t h e wa s 4 6 Cambridge Histories Online Cambridge University Press, 2008 INDI A UNDE R TH E MUGHAL S likel y t o b e punished , h e rebelled . Afte r a tediou s campaig n h e wa s defeated . H e ha d t o sen d hi s sons , Dar a Shiko h an d Awrangzeb , t o cour t an d wa s demote d t o th e governorshi p o f Balaghat . Th e genera l Mahaba t Khan , wh o ha d bee n instrumenta l i n defeatin g Sha h Jahan , wa s alienate d b y Nu r Jahan , and , whil e Jahangi r wa s marchin g toward s Kabu l i n 1036/1626 , Mahaba t Kha n brough t of f a coup an d capture d th e perso n o f th e emperor . Nu r Jahan’ s attemp t t o rescu e hi m failed , an d Mahaba t Kha n becam e th e dictato r thoug h al l appearance s o f Jahangi r bein g a t th e hel m o f affair s wer e kep t up . Nu r Jahan , however , wa s bus y throughout , an d finally succeede d i n gettin g Mahaba t Kha n dismissed . Sha h Jaha n mad e anothe r attemp t whe n h e hear d tha t hi s fathe r ha d falle n int o Nu r Jahan’ s hands . H e receive d n o support , an d hi s progres s wa s stoppe d a t Thattha . Nu r Jahan , however , administere d a stric t warning , remindin g hi m tha t Mahaba t Khan’ s powe r ha d bee n broken . Sha h Jaha n wa s sick , an d wa s carrie d i n a litte r throug h Gujarat , wher e Mahaba t Kha n joine d hi m wit h a forc e o f tw o thousand . Thu s th e tw o mos t capabl e an d brillian t general s o f th e empir e wer e united , bu t bot h o f the m wer e withou t resources . The y waite d fo r a n opportunity . Jahangi r die d i n 1037/162 7 o n hi s wa y bac k fro m Kashmir , an d hi s bod y wa s carrie d t o Lahore , wher e h e wa s buried . Jahangi r wa s a sensible , benevolen t an d generou s man . I n hi s belief s h e wa s a conformin g Muslim , althoug h h e ha d i n late r lif e a weaknes s fo r alcohol . H e wa s responsibl e fo r a numbe r o f mino r reforms . H e wa s a grea t patro n o f painting , o f whic h h e wa s a connoisseur , an d hi s coinag e i s th e mos t distinguishe d o f al l India n issues . H e wa s a simpl e an d straightforwar d ma n wit h n o cunning . H e retaine d hi s affectio n fo r Khusra w despit e hi s repeate d rebellions , wa s a devote d husban d t o Nu r Jahan , wa s fon d o f sports , a grea t love r o f natur e an d desirou s o f provin g a benefacto r t o hi s people . Shah Jahan Sha h Jaha n wa s th e elde r surviving , an d th e mor e capable , so n an d hi s successio n woul d hav e bee n withou t troubl e bu t fo r Nu r Jahan’ s opposition . Asa f Khan , however , wa s i n hi s favou r an d acte d wit h grea t circumspection . H e pu t Nu r Jaha n unde r guard , remove d Sha h Jahan’ s so n fro m he r charge , an d pu t Khusraw’ s so n o n th e thron e a s a stopgap . Shahryar , wh o proclaime d himsel f empero r a t Lahore , wa s 4 7 Cambridge Histories Online Cambridge University Press, 2008 TH E INDIA N SUB-CONTINEN T easil y defeated . I n th e meanwhil e Sha h Jaha n marche d throug h Gujara t an d reache d Agra , wher e h e wa s proclaime d empero r i n 1038/1628 . Nu r Jaha n wa s give n a goo d pensio n an d live d nea r Lahore , buildin g Jahanglr’ s tom b an d engagin g i n charitabl e works . I n th e Decca n Mahlba t Kha n ha d capture d Ahmadnagar , whic h passe d unde r Mugha l rul e i n 1041/1631 . Th e imperialist s ha d alread y bee n encroachin g upo n Golkond a territor y an d b y 1040/163 0 abou t on e thir d o f i t ha d passe d int o thei r hands . A s Golkond a an d Bijapu r wer e bot h creatin g troubl e fo r th e Mughal s i n Ahmadnagar , Sha h Jaha n decide d t o punis h them . I n 1047/16 3 6 Golkond a agree d unde r pressur e t o remov e th e nam e o f th e sha h o f Persi a fro m th e khutba an d t o inser t Sha h Jahan’ s nam e instead ; t o abolis h th e Shi’ I formul a o n th e coins , becaus e th e associatio n o f a Shi’ I formul a wit h Sha h Jahan’ s nam e migh t hav e create d difficultie s fo r th e empero r withi n hi s ow n dominions ; t o pa y a n annua l tribute , an d t o hel p th e Mugha l troop s agains t Bijapur . I n 1047/163 6 Sha h Jaha n demande d tha t Bijapu r shoul d clearl y recogniz e Mugha l sovereignty , pa y regula r tribute , an d ced e th e territorie s tha t ha d belonge d t o Ahmadnagar . A s Bijapu r too k n o action , Sha h Jaha n decide d o n a n invasion . Bijapu r sue d fo r peace , whic h wa s grante d o n it s acceptanc e o f th e demands . Afte r th e deat h o f Muhamma d ’Adi l Sha h i n 1067/1 6 5 6 , whe n hi s so n ’A H ‘Adi l Sha h foun d himsel f to o youn g t o contro l th e faction s a t th e cour t o r suppres s rebellio n i n th e kingdom , Sha h Jaha n decide d t o intervene . On e o f hi s sons , Awrangzeb , le d a successfu l campaig n bu t a t th e interventio n o f Dar a Shikoh , Sha h Jahan’ s eldes t son , muc h t o th e chagri n o f Awrang - zeb , peac e wa s grante d o n th e surrende r o f som e territory . Th e Portugues e ha d establishe d themselve s a t Hugl i i n Benga l and , wit h th e hel p o f a larg e numbe r o f convert s an d half-castes , carrie d o n pirac y an d kidnappin g childre n t o sel l the m int o slavery . I n 1049/163 9 a n expeditio n free d a larg e numbe r o f slaves , an d th e Portugues e wer e force d t o pa y a larg e indemnit y an d evacuat e th e settlement . Qandaha r wa s restore d t o th e Mughal s throug h it s Persia n governor , wh o cam e ove r t o the m (1048/1638) . Th e Mughal s ha d neve r give n u p thei r drea m o f recoverin g thei r ancestra l territorie s i n Transoxania , wher e interna l difficultie s encourage d Sha h Jaha n t o sen d a n expedition . Hi s secon d son , Mura d Bakhsh , wa s abl e t o occup y Balkh , bu t becaus e h e dislike d th e climat e h e wa s replacedb y Awrangzeb , wh o wa s abl e t o defea t a n Ozbe g forc e i n a pitche d battle . I n 1 o 5 8/1648 , however , Sha h ’Abba s I I intervene d openly , an d demande d th e evacuatio n o f Qandaha r an d th e 4 8 Cambridge Histories Online Cambridge University Press, 2008 INDI A UNDE R TH E MUGHAL S restoratio n o f Balk h t o th e Ozbegs . Sha h ‘Abba s too k Qandahar : i t wa s los t t o th e Mughals , an d th e Centra l Asia n adventur e als o cam e t o a n end . I n 1068/165 7 Sha h Jaha n fel l il l an d wa s no t abl e t o hol d publi c audience . Ther e wer e wil d rumours , an d th e prince s though t tha t the y shoul d mak e a bi d fo r th e throne . Mura d Bakhs h proclaime d himsel f empero r i n Gujarat ; Sha h Shuja’ , a capabl e administrato r an d the n governo r o f Bengal , advance d toward s th e capital ; Awrangzeb , wit h imperia l troop s unde r hi s command , wa s i n correspondenc e wit h both , an d Dar a Shiko h trie d t o reduc e hi s powe r b y recallin g thos e troops . On e arm y wa s sen t agains t Sha h Shuja’ , anothe r agains t Murad , an d a thir d wa s despatche d t o kee p Awrangze b i n check . Sha h Shuja ‘ wa s defeate d and fled t o Bengal . Awrangze b complete d hi s preparations , an d marche d fro m Awrangaba d i n 1069/16 5 8 . Mura d cam e an d joine d hi m an d th e tw o marche d o n Agra . A Rajpu t commande r sen t t o sto p Awrangzeb’ s progres s wa s defeate d a t Dharmat . The n Dar a ha d t o tak e th e field himsel f a t Samugarh , te n mile s eas t o f Agra . Awrangze b wo n th e battl e despit e hi s inferio r resources , an d the n marche d o n Agr a an d too k th e city . Sha h Jaha n trie d t o la y a tra p fo r him , bu t a n intercepte d lette r addresse d t o Dar a Shiko h reveale d th e plo t t o Awrangzeb . Mura d Bakhs h wa s arreste d an d confined , an d Awrangze b ascende d th e thron e wit h th e titl e o f ‘Alamglr . Sha h Jaha n wa s depose d an d confine d i n Agr a a t hi s son’ s order. ‘Alamgir I Dar a Shiko h wa s pursue d int o Kachh . H e crosse d int o Gujarat , mustere d sufficien t resources , an d marche d northwards . H e wa s captured , trie d fo r heresy , an d beheaded , Mura d Bakhs h als o wa s executed . Sha h Shuja ’ marche d fro m Bengal , wa s defeate d i n pitche d battl e nea r Kara , an d wa s pursue d int o Bengal . Afte r continuou s warfar e h e escape d int o th e Arakan , wher e h e wa s kille d i n 1072/1661 . I n 1072/166 2 Mi r Jumla , th e governo r o f Bengal , le d a campaig n int o Assa m becaus e th e raj a ha d take n hol d o f som e Mugha l territory . I n spit e o f th e difficultie s o f th e terrai n th e raj a wa s defeated . I n 1078/166 7 th e Yusufzay , a Patha n tribe , ros e i n rebellion . The y wer e defeate d nea r Ata k an d wer e brough t unde r control . The n i n 1083/167 2 th e Afridi s revolted . The y wer e inspire d b y th e famou s poe t Khushha l Kha n Khatak , wh o ha d serve d Sha h Jaha n faithfully , bu t wa s disappointe d wit h Awrangze b whe n h e extende d imperia l patronag e t o 4 9 Cambridge Histories Online Cambridge University Press, 2008 TH E INDIA N SUB-CONTINEN T anothe r tribe . Awrangze b establishe d himsel f a t Hasa n Abda l an d systematicall y brough t th e tribe s unde r control . I n 1086/167 5 h e lef t th e campaig n i n th e hand s o f Ami r Khan , wh o complete d th e wor k o f pacifyin g th e tribes . Jaswan t Singh , maharaj a o f Marwar , ha d trie d t o plunde r th e imperia l cam p a t nigh t o n th e ev e o f th e battle o f Kar a whe n Sha h Shuja ‘ wa s defeated . H e wa s forgive n an d poste d a t Jamrud . Afte r hi s deat h with - ou t heir s i n 1089/167 8 Awrangze b brough t Marwa r unde r direc t administrativ e control , an d o n a posthumou s hei r bein g bor n soo n afterward s seize d th e infant , Aji t Singh , an d hi s mother . Th e chil d wa s rescue d an d conveye d t o a plac e o f hiding , whil e th e Rajpu t nationa l leade r i n Marwar , Durg a Das , afte r unsuccessfull y opposin g th e Mughal s openly , carrie d o n guerrill a warfare fro m th e hills . Th e neighbourin g Mewar , whic h trie d t o stan d b y th e Marwa r Rajputs , wa s n o matc h fo r th e imperia l arm y wit h it s Europea n artillery . Awrangzeb’ s thir d son , Akbar , wa s lef t i n comman d o f Mewa r whil e Awrangze b returne d t o th e Marwa r campaign . Akba r ultimatel y joine d force s wit h th e Rajpu t contingents , an d marche d agains t hi s fathe r wh o wa s almos t defenceles s a t Ajmer . However , Princ e Mu’azza m manage d t o joi n th e emperor , wh o too k u p a positio n a t Dorah a t o giv e battle . Throug h th e familia r stratage m o f addressin g a lette r t o th e prince , commendin g hi m fo r layin g a tra p fo r th e Rajputs , an d takin g car e t o se e i t fal l int o th e hand s o f th e enemy , h e isolate d Akba r who , deserte d by hi s troops , wandere d fro m on e plac e t o anothe r unti l h e mad e hi s wa y t o th e Decca n an d joine d th e Marathas . Late r h e mad e hi s wa y t o Persia . Th e wa r agains t Mewa r wa s pursue d unti l th e rand secure d peac e o n surrenderin g thre e parganas i n lie u oijija. Th e campaig n agains t Marwa r wen t o n a littl e longe r unti l ultimatel y Durg a Da s wa s reconciled . I t ha s bee n mentione d (p . 46 ) tha t Mali k ’Anba r organize d Marath a guerilla s t o haras s th e Mughals . Eve n earlie r th e Maratha s ha d sough t servic e i n Musli m armies , an d wer e prize d fo r thei r hardihood . Shahj i Bhonsl e ha d rise n t o th e positio n o f king-make r i n Ahmadnagar . Whe n Sha h Jaha n capture d tha t sultanate , Shahj i migrate d t o Bijapur , wher e als o h e becam e powerful . Hi s son , Shivajl , wa s bor n i n 10 3 7/1627 . Afte r th e death o f Muhamma d ’Adi l Sha h i n 1067/16 5 6 Bijapu r decline d rapidly , an d it s contro l ove r th e mountainou s area s s o relaxe d tha t Shivaj l wa s abl e t o tak e man y forts, mostl y b y stratagem . Hi s powe r wen t o n increasing . I n 1075/166 4 h e sacke d Surat , two-third s o f th e cit y bein g destroye d b y fire o r plunder . I n 1076/166 5 Awrangze b sen t 5 ° Cambridge Histories Online Cambridge University Press, 2008 INDI A UNDE R TH E MUGHAL S Raj a Ja y Sing h o f Amber , wh o force d Shivaj i t o yiel d four-fifth s o f hi s territor y an d t o acknowledg e th e sovereignt y o f th e emperor . I n 1077/166 6 h e visite d Agr a an d wa s give n comman d o f 5 ,00 0 (se e below , p . 5 5) . H e considere d thi s inadequate , create d a scene , an d wa s con - fined bu t escaped . Afte r thre e year s o f preparatio n h e resume d hi s activities , occupie d larg e areas , an d crowne d himsel f kin g i n 1085/1674 . H e continue d t o haras s th e Mughal s unti l h e wa s attacke d b y a n imperia l force , an d wa s force d t o fight. Th e Maratha s suffere d heav y losses , thoug h Shivaj i escaped . Soon afterward s h e die d i n 1091/1680 , an d wa s succeede d b y hi s son , Shambhujl . Th e rapi d declin e o f th e Decca n sultanate s (se e Appendix ) an d th e creatio n o f anarchi c conditions , whic h contribute d t o th e growt h o f th e Marath a power , coul d n o longe r b e ignore d b y Awrangzeb . Bijapu r an d Golkond a ha d no t onl y encourage d th e Marathas , bu t ha d actuall y entere d int o secre t alliance s wit h them . Th e emperor , therefore , decide d t o conque r th e sultanate s s o tha t th e Maratha s shoul d no t thriv e upo n thei r decadence , an d move d cam p t o th e Deccan . I n 1100/168 9 Sham - bhuj i wa s defeated , capture d an d brough t befor e Awrangzeb , whe n h e abuse d th e emperor an d th e Prophet . H e wa s executed . Hi s famil y wa s kep t a t court , an d properl y maintained . Th e Mughal s besiege d Bijapu r i n 1097/1686 , an d th e ruler , unabl e t o pu t u p a lon g defence , waite d o n th e emperor , wa s receive d kindl y an d enrolle d a s a mansabdar wit h a larg e pension . Al l BIjapur l officer s wer e enrolle d i n th e imperia l service. I n 1083/167 2 Abu’l-Hasa n ha d com e t o th e thron e o f Golkonda . Th e powe r wa s i n th e hand s o f a Brahma n minister , Madanna , wh o entere d int o a secre t allianc e wit h Bijapu r an d Shivaji . I n 1097/168 5 a secre t lette r t o Bijapu r wa s intercepte d i n whic h al l hel p wa s promise d agains t th e Mughals . A t thi s Princ e Mu’azzam , no w style d Sha h ’Alam , wa s sen t agains t Golkonda . H e too k Haydaraba d an d Abu’l-Hasa n fled t o Golkonda . Abu’l-Hasan , however , mad e hi s peac e by th e paymen t o f a n indemnit y an d a cessio n o f territory . H e promise d t o dismis s Madanna , but , becaus e th e dismissa l wa s pu t off , th e Musli m nobles , wh o wer e tire d o f hi s tyranny , brough t abou t hi s assassination . Condition s i n Golkond a di d no t improve , an d ultimatel y Awrangze b decide d t o pu t a n en d t o th e dynasty . H e therefor e annexe d th e kingdo m b y proclamation . Despit
